by William F. Jasper

Imagine a rustic, rural redoubt populated by well-armed white
separatists who regularly play host to some of the most virulent
racist leaders of the Aryan Nations, Ku Klux Klan, and White Aryan
Resistance. Imagine further that this secluded commune serves as a
Butch Cassidy "Hole in the Wall" hideout for a notorious gang of
Aryan bandits wanted by federal authorities for a two-year spree of
bank robberies spanning six states - robberies in which explosive
devices were frequently used as diversionary instruments. These
gangsters dub themselves the Aryan Republican Army (ARA), spout
Marxist revolutionary gibberish, and make videotapes of themselves
denouncing the U.S. and boasting of the group's "nuclear, chemical,
and biological warfare program." Then picture Timothy McVeigh, the
main suspect in the April 19, 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal
Building in Oklahoma City, calling this encampment two weeks before
the deadly explosion and asking for a German ex-soldier who serves
as the enclave's director of security and allegedly has expertise
in explosives. Visualize also a traffic ticket issued to McVeigh a
short distance from this gathering spot for racist/national
socialist misfits.

Taxing your powers of mental fantasy still more, see in your mind's
eye a convicted murderer who is venerated as a martyr of the Aryan
cause by the inhabitants of this enclave, who is scheduled to be
executed on April 19, 1995, and who - to stretch credulity to the
limit - was involved in a plot to attack the same Murrah Building
in Oklahoma City 12 years earlier. Then envision at least one
federal undercover informant for the Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and
Firearms (ATF) who warns her federal superiors in November 1994 -
months before the bombing - that the German security director has
declared, "It's time to go to war," and, "It's time to start
bombing federal buildings." Moreover, she tells them that the
German has joined with a notorious Aryan/KKK leader from Tulsa to
case the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City as a potential target. As
a final element, envisage that immediately after the deadly
Oklahoma City bombing of April 19, 1995, she tells federal FBI and
ATF investigators that she had seen bombing suspect McVeigh and the
suspect known only as John Doe No. 2 at the backwoods compound.

Dream Bust

What does such a conjuration add up to? A dream bust for the FBI,
ATF, and every other federal law enforcement agency, naturally. It
also adds up to a real-life place known as Elohim City and real-
life individuals matching the descriptions "imagined" above. But
there is something very wrong with this picture, aside from the
very wrong-headed notions of the odd assortment of unsavory
characters who drift in and out of this strange community. For some
unknown reason, this bonanza for law enforcement has been seemingly
immune from investigation by federal authorities. Perhaps the
failure to apprehend the much-sought-after bank bandits at Elohim
City can be attributed to incompetence, poor intelligence, and even
worse communication. And the Elohim City residents who allegedly
stated their intent to bomb federal buildings and then surveilled
the Alfred P. Murrah Building with that object in mind? Perhaps the
failure to bust them on conspiracy charges before the bombing can
also be attributed to more incompetence and bureaucratic foul-ups.

But what excuse can be made for not apprehending - at the very
least for questioning - after the bombing those conspirators
fingered by the informant? Keeping in mind the earnest promises of
President Clinton and Attorney General Janet Reno that no stone
would be left unturned, and the fact that over 2,000 federal agents
were unleashed on this investigation, it boggles the imagination to
consider that individuals who automatically should have been
considered prime suspects were ignored completely. Hundreds of FBI
agents swarmed over Kingman, Arizona in search of McVeigh's buddy,
Michael Fortier. Dozens more swooped down on bombing suspect Terry
Nichols' 12-year-old son, Josh, in Las Vegas. An army of federales
descended on James Nichols' farm in upstate Michigan. Hundreds more
were dispatched throughout the land to track down and interview
anyone who might have known McVeigh, Nichols, and Fortier.
Investigators were sent overseas to the Philippines to check on
Nichols' past activities there. Over 20,000 individuals were

However, no investigators were sent to Elohim City. No attempt was
made to interview the individuals accused by the ATF's undercover
informant. No search warrant was issued to search for explosives or
John Doe No. 2, or to see if fingerprints or other evidence linking
McVeigh or Fortier to the settlement could be found. Even now,
after the latest Elohim City-connected outlaw action, federal
authorities continue to turn a blind eye to the obvious. On
February 15th, two men opened fire on law enforcement officers
during a routine traffic stop in Ohio. The spectacular shootout at
point-blank range (during which none of the participants was hit)
was caught on the highway patrolman's video camera and shown on
news programs to millions of viewers nationwide. The gunmen, who
escaped, were identified as Chevie and Cheyne Kehoe, brothers who
had spent time at Elohim City. Robert Millar, the bearded patriarch
of this so-called "Christian Identity" compound, confirms that the
brothers had lived at Elohim City, along with four Pennsylvania men
indicted earlier this year in the ARA bank robberies. Yet, there is
still no sign that federal officials are looking into the glaring
Elohim/Oklahoma City connection. In a February 23rd article,
Associated Press writer Paul Query quoted an unnamed "law
enforcement official in Washington" as saying that "Elohim City is
not a current subject of interest."

Past Record

This odd reluctance to investigate the most obvious suspects is all
the more amazing when one considers the operations of the FBI ,
U.S. Marshals, ATF, and other federal agencies starting several
years before the bombing, and in the two years since that deadly
event. Only one month before the Oklahoma City blast, on March 17,
1995, this reporter attended hearings in Boise, Idaho conducted by
Congressman Helen Chenoweth (R-ID) on the abuse of police powers
and excessive use of force by federal agencies. The special
congressional hearings examined testimony regarding charges that
officers of the U.S. Forest Service, the Bureau of Land Management,
and other federal agencies were exceeding their authority and
jurisdiction, violating the rights of law-abiding citizens, and
presenting an increasingly confrontational and authoritarian image.
There is no question that these and other federal agencies have
assumed a more aggressive and more heavily armed law enforcement
posture in recent years. That goes double for the FBI and ATF,
which were badly scandalized by their criminal activities
associated with their fatal fiascoes at Ruby Ridge and Waco.

Following the Oklahoma City bombing, the ATF and FBI seem to have
lost any temporary sense of restraint they may have felt compelled
to exercise due to the storm of criticism they had received for
their Waco debacle. Over the past two years they have gone on a
post-OKC arrest binge, with a series of high-profile raids against
gun dealers, militia groups, and other individuals presented as
dangerous threats to national security. Many of these cases have
fallen apart in court, repeatedly revealing a super-zealous and
inordinate deployment of federal law enforcement resources to
provoke and entrap those with little indication of proclivities
toward criminal activity, and a simultaneous under-deployment of
scarce resources to genuine criminal threats. This troubling
phenomenon has been on full display, for instance, with the media-
spectacle arrests of the "Viper Militia" in Arizona, the "Macon
Militia" in Georgia, and the "Lampley Militia" in Oklahoma. Also,
witness the case of Richard Jewell, the unfortunate Atlanta
security guard who was grossly mistreated and unfairly implicated
in the Olympic Park bombing. All of these stand in sharp contrast
to the conduct of federal officials toward the denizens of Elohim
City, who have been associated with numerous criminal acts and have
been linked by various witnesses to the Oklahoma City bombing.

Revenge of the Condemned

Located far from the beaten path, in wooded hills near the
Oklahoma-Arkansas border, Elohim City is the creation of Robert
Millar, a 70-year-old Christian Identity "preacher" who also was
"spiritual adviser" to convicted murderer Richard Wayne Snell, a
former leader of a militant affiliate of Elohim City known as the
Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord (CSA). One of Millar's
granddaughters is married to James Ellison, an ex-convict and
former leader with Snell in the CSA. The Ellisons live at the
enclave along with Millar and a constantly fluctuating population
of 70 to 100 residents. On the day of the Oklahoma City bombing,
Millar was attending Snell's execution at an Arkansas state prison.
Snell was being executed for the murder of a black Arkansas State
Trooper. According to Arkansas prison official Alan Ables, "Snell
repeatedly predicted that there would be a bombing or explosion the
day of his death."

According to Carol Howe, a former neo-Nazi and Elohim City resident
who became an undercover informant for the ATF, for several months
before the execution date Millar had been calling for his followers
to initiate a pre-emptive strike against the government. Howe, who
has been in hiding, was quoted in an interview with reporter J.D.
Cash of the McCurtain County Gazette as saying that "Reverend
Millar was working the people into a frenzy about a holy war that
he said would come by the anniversary of Waco." That anniversary,
of course, was April 19th, the same date as the execution of
Richard Snell, who had conspired with Millar's grandson-in-law,
Ellison, to blow up the Murrah Building in 1983.

The emergence of ATF informant Carol Howe is important for a number
of reasons. Her testimony and the reports made by her ATF
supervisors provide significant new evidence that:

* Federal law enforcement officials had prior warning of the bomb

* Timothy McVeigh and Michael Fortier were linked to Elohim City.

* John Doe No. 2 and other John Does seen by eyewitnesses may be
individuals associated with Elohim City.

* Federal officials lied about having an informant (Miss Howe) at
the compound.

* Federal authorities had good cause to detain certain Elohim City
residents, who should have been considered suspects in the bombing,
but stubbornly refused to do so.

ATF Informant

Carol Howe first came in contact with the inhabitants of Elohim
City after hooking up with Dennis Mahon, a notorious racist and
former leader of the Ku Klux Klan in Tulsa. Mahon, the
stereotypical, hate-spewing extremist, is currently a leader of the
White Aryan Resistance (WAR) and the National Socialist Alliance
(NSA). He has told The New American that for several years after
the start of the Persian Gulf War he received monthly payments form
Iraqi intelligence. One of Mahon's closest friends was Andreas
"Andi" Strassmeir, a 37-year-old former German army officer who was
director of security for Elohim City. Another of his close friends
was Strassmeir's Elohim City roommate, Michael Brescia, a 24-year-
old college dropout from Philadelphia. Brescia was recently
indicted and arrested in Pennsylvania along with three other former
residents of Elohim City for his alleged role in seven bank
robberies attributed to the Aryan Republican Army.

Howe, at first glance, would seem an improbable recruit for Mahon's
racist skinhead brigade. The petite, attractive, 24-year-old is a
former honors student, beauty pageant contestant, and debutante
from a prominent Tulsa family. She contacted Mahon after seeing one
of his advertisements for the Ku Klux Klan, and for a while they
were "romantically involved." However, later, when they had a
falling out and Mahon threatened her with bodily harm, she reported
him to the police. That action brought her to the attention of the
local ATF office, which recruited her to spy on Mahon and the
Elohim City bunch. From the summer of 1994 until a few weeks before
the bombing in April 1995, Howe was making regular reports to her
ATF supervisor, Angela Finley. After the bombing, she was sent back
into the compound for additional intelligence.

Federal authorities insist that Howe's ATF reports contain no
warnings of plots to bomb federal buildings, as claimed in the Cash
interviews; they say her first mention of the Strassmeir-Mahon bomb
conspiracy occurred when she was debriefed two days after the
bombing. Even if that is true, federal officials still have hard
questions to answer concerning why they failed to pick up the pair
of alleged plotters after the bombing. But there are good reasons
to suspect that Howe's story is more accurate than the official
line. Past credibility is one reason. During her work for the ATF,
her records show, she was polygraphed over a dozen times and passed
every time. In contrast, when federal prosecutors were asked by
McVeigh's defense team for Carol Howe's ATF informant records in
discovery, they were told that the records didn't exist. When it
was shown that the records did indeed exist, an angry Judge Matsch
ordered the records delivered to the defense and threatened the
prosecutors with removal from the case if they lied to him one more

Stranger From Germany

Howe's testimony that Strassmeir was at the center of the agitation
at Elohim City to engage in violent, revolutionary activity also
appears to fit better with known facts in the investigation than do
the explanations and actions of federal officials regarding the
mysterious German national. Strassmeir, the son of a very prominent
politician in Helmut Kohl's government, came to the United States
in 1989 and took up regular residence in Elohim City in 1991. When
his station wagon was impounded by the Oklahoma Highway patrol,
curious papers were discovered in his briefcase. They appeared to
be classified papers detailing negotiations by Strassmeir on behalf
of Petruskie Associates of Manassas, Virginia to buy Boeing 747s
from Germany's Lufthansa Airlines.

What was this impoverished neo-Nazi activist doing negotiating
multi-million-dollar deals from a log cabin settlement in the
Oklahoma outback? Before answers could be found to such questions,
extraordinary pressure was brought to bear to release the vehicle.
"There were some people from the Carolinas at one of the military
bases who called," recalled Kenny Peace, the tow truck operator who
had custody of Strassmeir's car. "Somebody called and said they
were from the [U.S.] State Department. He wanted to know why the
car was impounded and who he had to talk to to get it released."
According to Peace, "The phone calls came in from the State
Department, the governor's office, and someone called and said
[Strassmeir] had diplomatic immunity. He was just a weird cookie."

This "weird cookie" was also the intended recipient of a telephone
call to Elohim City on April 5, 1995 - two weeks before the bombing
- placed on a calling card purchased by Timothy McVeigh and Terry
Nichols under the pseudonym "Daryl Bridges." While FBI agents
supposedly conducted a global manhunt for the "others unknown"
listed as co-conspirators in the federal indictment against McVeigh
and Nichols, Strassmeir remained unmolested. Finally, in January
1996 - nine months after the bombing - Strassmeir fled the U.S.,
slipping across the border to Mexico and then on to Germany.
Suddenly, when the prey was out of reach, federal authorities
developed an interest and decided they wanted to interview
Strassmeir, which they did - by telephone. Meanwhile, in Herington,
Kansas, where Terry Nichols lived (and where McVeigh had also lived
while in the Army), more witnesses were being found who had known
"Andi the German" as a friend of McVeigh.

Vincent Petruskie is Strassmeir's Lufthansa deal partner.
Strassmeir described him as "a former CIA guy who my father had
known." Petruskie told The New American that "Andi wanted to work
for the U.S. government - DEA, Justice - undercover. [He] thought
his background with military and German government would help...."

"Right Wing" Infiltration

In a series of interviews with British journalist Ambrose Evans-
Pritchard after he had fled to Berlin, Strassmeir gave additional
testimony to support the evidence suggesting that he was an
undercover operative for a U.S. agency. "The right wing in the U.S.
is incredibly easy to penetrate if you know how to talk to them,"
he said. "Of course, it's easier for a foreigner with an accent;
nobody would ever suspect a German of working for the federal

"The ATF had an informant inside this operation," he told Evans-
Pritchard. "They had advance warning and they bungled it. What they
should have done is make an arrest while the bomb was still being
made instead of waiting till the last moment for a publicity
stunt." In an article for the Sunday Telegraph, Britain's largest
daily newspaper, Evans-Pritchard reported that when he asked
Strassmeir if the informant would ever speak out, he replied with
passion: "How can he? What happens if it was a sting operation from
the very beginning? What happens if it comes out that the plant was
a provocateur? What then? The relatives of the victims are going to
go crazy, and he's going to be held responsible for the murder of
168 people? Of course the informant can't come forward. He's scared
stiff right now."

When The New American asked Evans-Pritchard if he believed
Strassmeir was referring to himself when speaking in the third
person of the "informant," he replied, "Of course, there's no doubt
that is exactly what he meant to convey. He was stating it as
plainly as he could" without admitting criminal culpability on his
own part.

Although Strassmeir had been allowed to flee beyond the reach of
the law, other associates of his remained within grasp. Glenn and
Cathy Wilburn, who had been tracking Strassmeir, filed a civil suit
in 1996 naming Strassmeir and Michael Brescia along with McVeigh,
Fortier, "and other unknown individuals" for the wrongful deaths of
their grandsons Chase and Colton Smith, two of the day-care center
children killed in the bombing.

Brescia, who had played in a skinhead rock band at Elohim City,
disappeared for several months after Strassmeir's return to
Germany. Late last year he turned up at his parents' home in
Philadelphia. On January 30, 1997 he was arrested and charged,
along with three other Elohim City habitues from Pennsylvania, in
the ARA bank robbery spree. Considering how long Brescia and his
associates had been allowed to wander about freely, it is fair to
ask whether federal authorities ever would have arrested them
except for the pressure brought by the Wilburns and others.

Shortly before federal agents swarmed in to arrest Brescia, members
of various militia groups had begun a campaign to draw attention to
the conspicuous disinterest of the Justice Department in the Elohim
City resident who bears a resemblance to the sketch of the suspect
known as John Doe No. 2. In January, Arlin Adams and other members
of local militia groups began putting up "Unwanted" posters on
telephone poles in Brescia's neighborhood and throughout
Philadelphia. The posters read, "UNWANTED by the FBI - Michael
Brescia aka 'John Doe #2,'" and provided several paragraphs of text
on Brescia, as well as his parents' Philadelphia address and a
photograph of Brescia beside the familiar sketch of the bombing
suspect. Ambrose Evans-Pritchard was in Philadelphia to photograph
the poster effort and reported on it in the January 26th issue of
the Sunday Telegraph. In a matter of days, Brescia and three of his
cohorts were arrested - although not for the Oklahoma City bombing.

The New American * March 31, 1997

THE NEW AMERICAN - Copyright 1997
American Opinion Publishing, Incorporated
P.O. Box 8040, Appleton, WI 54913
Homepage: http://www.jbs.org/tna
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the above address.

Oklahoma City, Government-Paid Neo-Nazis, and the FCC
by J. Orlin Grabbe


The date April 19 holds major symbolic value for right-wing extremists in the United States, being associated both with past historical events as well as terrorism. In the historical context, April 19, 1775, was the date of the Battle of Lexington. In the more current context, a number of militia groups associate April 19 with the Waco catastrophe, the Oklahoma City bombing, and the execution of Richard Wayne Snell, a white supremacist, who was executed on April 19, 1995, some 12 hours after the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. Snell, convicted of two murders, including the shooting of a black Arkansas state trooper, had ties with two right-wing extremist organizations, the "Aryan Nations" and the "Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord" (CSA). Subsequent to the Oklahoma City bombing there were reports suggesting that convicted bomber Timothy McVeigh, planned and timed the April 19 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building to coincide with the Waco tragedy and the execution of Snell.

Another terrorist goon squad to hit the scene in 1996 was the Aryan Republican Army. On April 2, 1996, a pipe bomb tore through the offices of a Spokane, Washington, newspaper, followed by two men who ripped the paper off for $50,000, who then set off another explosion. They left a letter behind announcing the end of "Babylon," a popular buzz term white supremacists use to call the federal government. These guys get off using the names of federal agents when they rent getaway cars.


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