John Dimitri Negroponte

Skull & Bones ~ CFR

http://www.apfn.org/apfn/qclub.htm

John Dimitri Negroponte. Born in London on July 21, 1939, just before the outbreak of the second world war, he was the son of Dimitri, a Greek shipping magnate, and Catherine. He grew up in England, Switzerland and New York, where his father settled. He became a product of elite American institutions, educated at Phillips Exeter prep school in New Hampshire and at Yale, before being accepted at Harvard Law School. Negroponte is connected to Britain's royal family and British intelligence through his wife, Diana Villiers. Diana's father was Sir Charles Villiers, a merchant banker who would rise to become chairman of British Steel. Villiers had a powerful social conscience.

THE QUESTION IS:

Technically, how and when did John Negroponte become a United States Citizen?

US Search:

ALEJANDRA C NEGROPONTE  	4936 Lowell St  WASHINGTON  	DC  	20016
DIANA V NEGROPONTE 		4936 Lowell St 	WASHINGTON 	DC 	20016
JOHN D NEGROPONTE 		4936 Lowell St 	WASHINGTON 	DC 	20016
JOHN D NEGROPONTE 		Of STATE 	WASHINGTON 	DC 	20590
MARINA H NEGROPONTE 		4936 Lowell St 	WASHINGTON 	DC 	20016
Maps & Pictures http://cryptome.org/negro-eyeball.htm 
 


Democracy Now Video:
Promoting the 'Ambassador of Torture': Bush Nominates Negroponte for Intel Czar

http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=04/04/28/1449257
Video: MPEG-4 Video Download

 .

The Case Against John Negroponte


A Letter of Testimony - Sister Laetitia Bordes worked in El Salvador for almost a decade in the 1980 s and 90 s. She is the author of the book Our Hearts Were Broken. In this letter, Sister Bordes recalls a meeting with John Negroponte in 1982, when she was sent to Honduras on a fact-finding mission regarding the disappearance of women who had fled El Salvador after the assassination of Archbishop Romero. Thirteen years later, Ambassador Binns reported that the women, after savage torture, had been taken up in helicopters and thrown to the ground. In this letter, Sister Bordes explains a bit about the roles of The School of the Americas and Battalion 3-16, designed in part for the murder of Nicaraguan Sandinistas, who had overthrown the U.S. backed dictator Somoza in 1979.

"Fatal Secrets" - "When a wave of torture and murder staggered a small U.S. ally, truth was a casualty. Was the CIA involved? Did Washington know? Was the public deceived? Now we know: Yes, Yes and Yes." (by Gary Cohn and Ginger Thompson, Staff of The Baltimore Sun, whose article was originally published on June 11, 1995.) This article is lengthy and full and hard on the heart, but the cause of honesty requires that it be made available. This is the kind of knowledge with which we must arm ourselves if we are determined to never again permit such atrocities to take place under the eyes of our own government. One must ask oneself whether these are the kinds of abuses that would be permitted by a man who would nominate a man like John Negroponte to be our country's human rights spokesman.

What Message is Bush Trying to Send? This short article by Duncan Campbell for The Sun-Herald of Sydney, Australia, asks that question and mentions the very disturbing information that "Some members of the battalion [316] lived in the US, but were deported just as Mr. Bush's selection of Mr Negroponte was announced." What DOES this say about the current administration's "honor and integrity"?

The Purpose of These In-Your-Face Appointments - Mary McGrory, in the July 8, 2001 edition of The Washington Post comments that "Choosing Abrams makes laughable Bush's promise of increased civility and bipartisanship. Ditto his claims of being 'a uniter, not a divider'." This article does not hold back in presenting the far-from-honorable character of Elliott Abrams, whom Bush has already - with no requirement for congressional approval - been able to reinstall in the White House. But the fact that Negroponte may appear to be more of a "gentleman" than the snarling Elliott Abrams in no way justifies Negroponte as being fit in any fashion to be a representative for human rights. Why? Why is Bush making these outrageous nominations and appointments? The author suggests that "Cuban Americans who helped the president in the great fight for Florida are getting what he feels is their due. Bush owes them big time.

http://www.geocities.com/ravencrazy/Negroponte.html

BACKGROUND FACTS

"From 1981 to 1985 Negroponte was US ambassador to Honduras. During his tenure, he oversaw the growth of military aid to Honduras from $4 million to $77.4 million a year. According to The New York Times, Negroponte was responsible for "carrying out the covert strategy of the Reagan administration to crush the Sandinistas government in Nicaragua." Critics say that during his ambassadorship, human rights violations in Honduras became systematic.

Negroponte supervised the creation of the El Aguacate air base, where the US trained Nicaraguan Contras and which critics say was used as a secret detention and torture center during the 1980s. In August 2001, excavations at the base discovered 185 corpses, including two Americans, who are thought to have been killed and buried at the site.

Records also show that a special intelligence unit of the Honduran armed forces, Battalion 3-16, trained by the CIA and Argentine military, kidnapped, tortured and killed hundreds of people, including US missionaries. Critics charge that Negroponte knew about these human rights violations and yet continued to collaborate with the Honduran military while lying to Congress.

..."In early 1984, two American mercenaries, Thomas Posey and Dana Parker, contacted Negroponte, stating they wanted to supply arms to the Contras after the U.S. Congress had banned further military aid. Documents show that Negroponte brought the two with a contact in the Honduran armed forces The operation was exposed nine months later, at which point the Reagan administration denied any US involvement, despite Negroponte's participation in the scheme. Other documents uncovered a plan of Negroponte and then-Vice President George H. W. Bush to funnel Contra aid money through the Honduran government.

During his tenure as US ambassador to Honduras, Binns, who was appointed by President Jimmy Carter, made numerous complaints about human rights abuses by the Honduran military and he claimed he fully briefed Negroponte on the situation before leaving the post. When the Reagan administration came to power, Binns was replaced by Negroponte, who has consistently denied having knowledge of any wrongdoing. Later, the Honduras Commission on Human Rights accused Negroponte himself of human rights violations.

Speaking of Negroponte and other senior US officials, an ex-Honduran congressman, Efrain Diaz, told the Baltimore Sun, which in 1995 published an extensive investigation of US activities in Honduras:

Their attitude was one of tolerance and silence. They needed Honduras to loan its territory more than they were concerned about innocent people being killed.

The Suns's investigation found that the CIA and US embassy knew of numerous abuses but continued to support Battalion 3-16 and ensured that the embassy's annual human rights report did not contain the full story.

When President Bush announced Negroponte's appointment to the UN shortly after coming to office, it was met with widespread protest. However, the Bush administration did not back down and even went so far as to try to silence potential witnesses. On March 25, the Los Angeles Times reported on the sudden deportation from the United States of several former Honduran death squad members who could have provided damaging testimony against Negroponte in his Senate confirmation hearings. One of the deportees was General Luis Alonso Discua, founder of Battalion 3-16. In the preceding month, Washington had revoked the visa of Discua who was Honduras' Deputy Ambassador to the UN. Nonetheless, Discua went public with details of US support of Battalion 3-16.

Upon learning of Negroponte's nomination, Reed Brody of Human Rights Watch in New York commented:

When John Negroponte was ambassador he looked the other way when serious atrocities were committed. One would have to wonder what kind of message the Bush administration is sending about human rights by this appointment. "


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Negroponte

http://www.redrat.net/BUSH_WAR/negroponte2.htm

===============================================

PENTAGON AND CIA COULD LOSE MOST BECAUSE OF NEW POSITION
http://www.kentucky.com/mld/kentucky/news/10947120.htm

A Cruel Joke: Negroponte, the arch authoritarian, teaching democracy to the Iraqis.

Life under Saddam somewhat prepares you for the Negroponte era.

http://www.coha.org/NEW_PRESS_RELEASES/New_Press_Releases_2004/04.20_Negroponte.htm

Stop Human Rights Obstructer John Negroponte!
Background of John Negroponte


The New York Times credits John Negroponte with "carrying out the covert strategy of the Reagan administration to crush the Sandinista government in Nicaragua" during his tenure as U.S. Ambassador to Honduras from 1981 and 1985. He oversaw the growth of military aid to Honduras from $4 million to $77.4 million a year. In early 1984, two U.S. mercenaries, Thomas Posey and Dana Parker, contacted Negroponte, stating they wanted to supply arms to the Contra army after the U.S. Congress had banned governmental add. Documents show that Negroponte connected the two with a contact in the Honduran military. The operation was exposed nine months later, at which point the Reagan administration denied any U.S. government involvement, despite Negroponte’s contact earlier that year. Other documents uncovered a scheme of Negroponte and then-Vice President George Bush to funnel Contra aid money through the Honduran government.

In addition to his work with the Nicaraguan Contra army, Negroponte helped conceal from Congress the murder, kidnapping and torture abuses of a CIA-equipped and -trained Honduran military unit, Battalion 3-16. No mention of these human rights violations ever appeared in State Department Human Rights reports for Honduras. The Baltimore Sun reports that Efrain Diaz Arrivillaga, then a delegate in the Honduran Congress and a voice of dissent, told the Sun that he complained to Negroponte on numerous occasions about the Honduran military’s human rights abuses. Rick
Chidester, a junior embassy official under Negroponte, reported to the Sun that he was forced to omit an exhaustive gathering of human rights violations from his 1982 State Department report. Sister Laetitia Bordes went on a fact-finding delegation to Honduras in May 1982 to investigate the whereabouts of 32 Salvadoran nuns and women of faith who fled to Honduras in 1981 after Archbishop Oscar Romero’s assassination. Negroponte claimed the embassy knew nothing, but in 1996, Negroponte’s predecessor Jack Binns reported that the women had been captured, tortured, and then crammed into helicopters from which they were tossed to their deaths.

According to the Los Angeles Times, shortly after Negroponte’s nomination was decided, the U.S. government revoked the visa of General Luis Alonso Discua Elvir, who was Honduras’ deputy ambassador to the UN. General Discua was the commander of the Battalion during Negroponte’s tenure as ambassador. He has publicly claimed to have information linking Negroponte with the battalion’s activities. His testimony would be invaluable in illuminating Negroponte’s collusion with Honduran opponents on Capitol Hill. In 1994, the Honduran Human Rights Commission charged Negroponte personally with several human rights abuses.

On August 27, 1997, CIA Inspector General Frederick P. Hitz released a 211-page classified report entitled "Selected Issues Relating to CIA Activities in Honduras in the 1980s." This report was partly declassified on October 22, 1998, in response to persistent demands by the Honduran human rights ombudsman. You can read parts of the document on the National Security Archives website. Only senators and their staff who have security clearance can read the report in its entirety. It is absolutely critical that every senator read and consider the entire report before approving Negroponte’s nomination. Negroponte is highly respected in diplomatic circles as "a man who speaks five languages but knows when to keep silent." Due to his urbane temperament and broad support in the professional diplomatic field, it will be very tempting for senators to whisk his nomination through.

Suggested Actions
In order to effectively oppose Negroponte’s nomination and its tremendous repercussions, grassroots activists must be vigilant in persistently communicating their opposition with their senators. At this moment, staffers for senators on the Foreign Relations Committee are gathering materials and issuing subpoenas for the hearing on Negroponte’s nomination. Due to their placement on the Foreign Relations Committee, the following senators’ support is particularly important:

Joseph Biden (D), DE, Chair 202-224-5042, senator@biden.senate.gov"
Barbara Boxer (D), CA 202-224-3553, senator@boxer.senate.gov
Christopher Dodd (D), CT 202-224-2823, senator@dodd.senate.gov
Richard Lugar (R), IN 202-224-4814, senator_lugar@lugar.senate.gov
Sam Brownback (R), KS 202-224-6521 senator@brownback.senate.gov
Paul Sarbanes (D), MD 202-224-4524, senator@sarbanes.senate.gov
John Kerry (D), MA 202-224-2742, senator@kerry.senate.gov
Paul Wellstone (D), MN 202- 224-5641, senator@wellstone.senate.gov
Charles Hagel (R), NE 202-224-4224, senator@hagel.senate.gov
Robert Torricelli (D), NJ 202-224-3224, senator@torricelli.senate.gov
Gordon Smith (R), OR 202-224-3753, senator@smith.senate.gov
Lincoln Chafee (R), RI 202-224-2921, senator@chafee.senate.gov
Bill Frist (R), TN 202-224-3344, senator@frist.senate.gov
Russell Feingold (D), WI 202-224-5323, senator@feingold.senate.gov
Craig Thomas (R), WY 202-224-6441, senator@thomas.senate.gov

If you don’t live in one of these states, please still call your senator as the nomination will go to the Senate floor for debate and vote if it is approved in the Foreign Relations Committee.
http://www.maryknoll.org/GLOBAL/ALERTS/no_negroponte.htm

US Martyrs Pose Questions for Negroponte
http://www.counterpunch.org/solo10282003.html

US nuns murdered in El Salvador 4

In 1981, a couple of decades before Rachel Corrie was murdered, the bodies of four women were found in a shallow grave in a rural district not far from San Salvador, El Salvador's capital. They had been raped and shot dead by members of the Salvadoran army on the orders of senior officers. In the context of the time, the atrocity would hardly have merited reporting. But the women were United States citizens. Two were religious sisters of the New York based Maryknoll order, Ita Ford and Maureen Clarke. One was an Ursuline Sister, Dorothy Kazel, the fourth a lay missioner, Jean Donovan. By virtue of their nationality, the story did make the news, just--the back page of the New York Times, to that paper's eternal shame.

Those four women had helped defend Salvadorans from the terror unleashed against their own people by the Salvadoran government with support from the United States administrations of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. They gave their lives working alongside vulnerable people and communities in El Salvador. The murders followed the assassination in 1980 of Salvadoran Archbishop Oscar Romero. The women's deaths were manipulated by the US government and its ever-pliant news media. The full facts took years to emerge. US ambassador to the UN, Jean Kirkpatrick, falsely accused the women of having supported the Salvadoran armed opposition, the FMLN. In fact, the four women were passionate advocates of non-violence, accompanying the rural villagers they served while caught up in a violent civil war.

Ambassador Kirkpatrick's statements on the case of the four women were to be expected from an unrepentant supporter of the bloodthirsty Argentinian military dictatorship. Her successor at the UN was Vernon Walters, former deputy director of the CIA, co-organiser of the continent wide terrorist blueprint Plan Condor and promoter of Ronald Reagan's terrorist war against Nicaragua. In 1986 Vernon Walters threw in the face of the UN his government's rejection of the International Court of Justice verdict convicting the US of terrorism against Nicaragua.

Kirkpatrick's and Walters' apologetics for mass murder helped John Negroponte, then US ambassador to Honduras, cover up his support for the systematic forced disappearances used to destroy Honduran civilian opposition to the presence of Contra bases in their country. Thomas Pickering, US ambassador to El Salvador at the time, also gave misleading information on local army and paramilitary murders, probably an essential qualification for his subsequent posting in 1989 as US ambassador to the UN, taking over from Vernon Walters.

Jean Kirkpatrick, Vernon Walters, Thomas Pickering, John Negroponte and other US government representatives sent clear signals that the local military in El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala were to be allowed a free hand by the United States government to murder tens of thousands of civilians and anyone who spoke out against the slaughter. Perhaps the defining climax to the sickening murder campaign came in 1989 when the Salvadoran army killed six Jesuit academics and two of their domestic staff at the University of Central America in San Salvador. These crimes were made possible because the United States government consistently tried to conceal its institutional role in funding, training and supporting the military and paramilitary perpetrators. The Iran-Contra scandal was the culmination of that sustained program of regional deceit. http://www.counterpunch.org/solo10282003.html

In March and August of 1997, after years of prevarication and disingenuous manoeuvring, US government officials made available some of the documentation. Over 50% of it was blacked out. Valladares and his team found themselves examining page after page of erasures. The insulting farce Valladares was subjected to confirms the US government and John Negroponte have plenty to hide. Honduran government requests for information from the Argentinian government, whose military trained the Contra in Honduras, also drew a blank.

....How high in the embassy hierarchy does the cover up reach? Given the circumstances of the time, suspicion points firmly to John Negroponte himself.

http://www.counterpunch.org/solo10282003.html

===========================================

New ripples in an evil story

By Sister Laetitia Bordes, s.h., [14 May 2001]

John D. Negroponte, President Bush's nominee as the next ambassador to the United Nations? My ears perked up. I turned up the volume on the radio. I began listening more attentively. Yes, I had heard correctly.

Bush was nominating Negroponte, the man who gave the CIA backed Honduran death squads open field when he was ambassador to Honduras from 1981 to 1985.

My mind went back to May 1982 and I saw myself facing Negroponte in his office at the US Embassy in Tegucigalpa. I had gone to Honduras on a fact-finding delegation. We were looking for answers. Thirty-two women had fled the death squads of El Salvador after the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero in 1980 to take refuge in Honduras. One of them had been Romero's secretary. Some months after their arrival, these women were forcibly taken from their living quarters in Tegucigalpa, pushed into a van and disappeared. Our delegation was in Honduras to find out what had happened to these women. John Negroponte listened to us as we exposed the facts.

There had been eyewitnesses to the capture and we were well read on the documentation that previous delegations had gathered.

Negroponte denied any knowledge of the whereabouts of these women. He insisted that the US Embassy did not interfere in the affairs of the Honduran government and it would be to our advantage to discuss the matter with the latter. Facts, however, reveal quite the contrary.

During Negroponte's tenure, US military aid to Honduras grew from $4 million to $77.4 million; the US launched a covert war against Nicaragua and mined its harbors, and the US trained Honduran military to support the Contras.

John Negroponte worked closely with General Alvarez, Chief of the Armed Forces in Honduras, to enable the training of Honduran soldiers in psychological warfare, sabotage, and many types of human rights violations, including torture and kidnapping. Honduran and Salvadoran military were sent to the School of the Americas to receive training in counter-insurgency directed against people of their own country. The CIA created the infamous Honduran Intelligence Battalion 3-16 that was responsible for the murder of many Sandinistas. General Luis Alonso Discua Elvir, a graduate of the School of the Americas, was a founder and commander of Battalion 3-16. In 1982, the US negotiated access to airfields in Honduras and established a regional military training center for Central American forces, principally directed at improving fighting forces of the Salvadoran military.

In 1994, the Honduran Rights Commission outlined the torture and disappearance of at least 184 political opponents. It also specifically accused John Negroponte of a number of human rights violations. Yet, back in his office that day in 1982, John Negroponte assured us that he had no idea what had happened to the women we were looking for.

I had to wait 13 years to find out. In an interview with the Baltimore Sun in 1996 Jack Binns, Negroponte's predecessor as US ambassador in Honduras, told how a group of Salvadorans, among whom were the women we had been looking for, were captured on April 22, 1981 and savagely tortured by the DNI, the Honduran Secret Police, before being placed in helicopters of the Salvadoran military. After take off from the airport in Tegucigalpa, the victims were thrown out of the helicopters. Binns told the Baltimore Sun that the North American authorities were well aware of what had happened and that it was a grave violation of human rights. But it was seen as part of Ronald Reagan's counterinsurgency policy.

Now in 2001, I'm seeing new ripples in this story. Since President Bush made it known that he intended to nominate John Negroponte, other people have suddenly been disappearing, so to speak. In an article published in the Los Angeles Times on March 25 Maggie Farley and Norman Kempster reported on the sudden deportation of several former Honduran death squad members from the United States. These men could have provided shattering testimony against Negroponte in the forthcoming Senate hearings. One of these recent deportees just happens to be General Luis Alonso Discua, founder of Battalion 3-16. In February, Washington revoked the visa of Discua who was Deputy Ambassador to the UN. Since then, Discua has gone public with details of US support of Battalion 3-16.

Given the history of John Negroponte in Central America, it is indeed horrifying to think that he should be chosen to represent our country at the United Nations, an organization founded to ensure that the human rights of all people receive the highest respect. How many of our Senators, I wonder, let alone the US public, know who John Negroponte really is?

Sister Laetitia Bordes, s.h.
282 Shoreview Avenue
Pacifica, CA 94044
Tel. (650) 359-6635
e-mail lbordes@jps.net 

http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/47/385.html

Democracy Now Video: (with Sister Laetitia Bordes)
Promoting the 'Ambassador of Torture': Bush Nominates Negroponte for Intel Czar

http://play.rbn.com/?url=demnow/demnow/demand/2005/feb/video/dnB20050218a .

Facing the Nightmare of Negroponte
The nightmare which the people of Central America lived through in the 80's and 90's wasn't like the nightmares some of us have experienced. Theirs was real and they keep having to revisit it.
The nomination of John Negroponte as the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations conjures up the worst of that long nightmare and it is unthinkable that President Bush would actually place Negroponte in this seat. John Negroponte was a major player in some of the worst atrocities committed against the people of that region. We must stop the confirmation of this man to any government position, but especially as our representative to the United Nations.
In the following moving personal account, Sister
Laetitia Bordes tells of her face-to-face encounter with Negroponte when he was U.S. Ambassador to Honduras in 1982:
http://www.change-links.org/Negroponte.htm

===========================================

Nominating a Liar and Killer to Head America's new KGB
Dave Lindorff

February 17, 2005

What makes Negroponte the perfect candidate to be America’s KGB chief is his refined cover. He has the Republicans on the Republican-dominated Intelligence Committee in his pocket anyhow, and as a career diplomat, urbane and fluent in five languages, he also appeals to the mushy national security state Democrats like John Rockefeller (D-W. VA), Evan Bayh (D-Indiana), Diane Feinstein (D-Calif.) and Ron Wyden (D-Oregon), who will be asked to join in rubber-stamping his nomination. If his appearance before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, during hearings on his nomination for the post of ambassador to Iraq is any indication, he will breeze through this next "test.' Democratic Senators Chris Dodd (D-Connecticut) and Joseph Biden (D-Del.) gushed over him at those earlier hearings, and didn't ask anything about his role in promoting death squad activities or in covering up human rights abuses in Central America, which included the murders of several dozen priests and nuns.

Americans concerned about our vanishing civil liberties, and about the expanded use of official state terrorism against American citizens and resident aliens since 9/11 should be concerned about this appointment, however. The new intelligence chief will be responsible for overseeing the nation’s vast $100-billion spying operation and its ballooning, largely secret budget.

This man's record is worse than not encouraging--it's downright terrifying.

Negroponte deliberately falsified State Department human rights reports every year of his ambassadorship in Honduras. According to the Maryknoll Order, many U.S. missionaries and other religious activists were murdered in that country in the 1970s and especially the early 1980s by CIA-trained Honduran soldiers of the so-called Battalion 3-16, whose operations they claim Negroponte oversaw, or "at best overlooked."

Even The New York Times, which has rarely met a covert operation it didn't support, credits Negroponte with "carrying out the covert strategy of the Reagan administration to crush the Sandinista government in Nicaragua"--an effort which the paper fails to note was illegal, and which ultimately included the trading of guns for drugs on CIA-financed aircraft. Negroponte helped with this massively corrupt and illegal war effort of the Reagan administration even after it had been expressly banned by the U.S. Congress.

One would think that kind of insult to the Congress would elicit at least some opposition to Negroponte’s appointment, but not a word about it came up during his ambassadorship hearings (Sen. Dodd actually said, "I happen to feel he's a very fine Foreign Service officer and has done a tremendous job in many places."), and it seems unlikely he’ll be asked about it this time around.

Come to think of it, that's probably about the way members of the Communist Party Central Committee probably responded to each new appointment to head the U.S.S.R.'s intelligence apparatus... http://www.pej.org/html/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=1913&mode=thread&order=0&thold=0

President Bush is strengthening his cabinet's capacity to mislead Congress and trample civil liberties.

The appointment of John Negroponte to be director of National Intelligence is the latest evidence that President Bush is strengthening his cabinet’s capacity to mislead Congress and trample civil liberties.

The nomination of John Negroponte to the new post of director of National Intelligence (DNI) caps a remarkable parade of Bush administration senior nominees. Among the most recent:

• Alberto Gonzales, confirmed as attorney general:  the lawyer who advised the president he could ignore the US War Crimes Act and the Geneva Conventions on torture and create a “reasonable basis in law…which would provide a solid defense to any future prosecution.”

• Michael Chertoff, confirmed as Secretary of Homeland Security:  the lawyer who looked the other way when 762 innocent immigrants (mostly of Arab and South Asian descent) were swept up in a post-9/11 dragnet and held as “terrorism suspects” for several months.  The dictates of PR trumped habeas corpus; the detentions fostered an image of quick progress in the “war on terrorism.”

• John Negroponte:  the congenial, consummate diplomat now welcomed back into the brotherhood.  Presently our ambassador in Baghdad, Negroponte is best known to many of us as the ambassador to Honduras with the uncanny ability to ignore human rights abuses so as not to endanger congressional support for the attempt to overthrow the duly elected government of Nicaragua in the ‘80s.  Negroponte’s job was to hold up the Central American end of the Reagan administration’s support for the Contra counterrevolutionaries, keeping Congress in the dark, as necessary.

*Introducing…Elliot’s Protégé*

Stateside, Negroponte’s opposite number was Elliot Abrams, then assistant secretary of state for Inter-American affairs, whose influence has recently grown by leaps and bounds in the George W. Bush administration.  Convicted in October 1991 for lying to Congress about illegal support for the Contras, Abrams escaped prison when he was pardoned, along with former Defense Secretary Casper Weinberger (also charged with lying to Congress), former National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane and three CIA operatives.  Indeed, their pardons came cum laude , with President George H. W. Bush stressing that “the common denominator of their motivation…was patriotism.”  Such “patriotism” has reached a new art form in his son’s administration, as a supine Congress no longer seems to care very much about being misled.

President George W. Bush completed Elliot Abrams’ rehabilitation in December 2002 by bringing him back to be his senior adviser for the Middle East, a position for which the self-described neoconservative would not have to be confirmed by Congress.  Immediately, his influence with the president was strongly felt in the shaping and implementation of policy in the Middle East, especially on the Israel-Palestine issue and Iraq. Last month the president promoted him to deputy national security adviser, where he can be counted on to overshadow—and outmaneuver—his boss, the more mild-mannered Stephen Hadley.

It is a safe bet that Abrams had a lot to do with the selection of his close former associate to be director of National Intelligence, and there is little doubt that he passed Negroponte’s name around among neocon colleagues to secure their approval.

As mentioned above, like Abrams, Negroponte has a record of incomplete candor with Congress.  Had he been frank about serious government-sponsored savagery in Honduras, the country would have forfeited U.S. aid—thwarting the Reagan administration’s use of Honduras to support the Contras.  So Negroponte, too, has evidenced Abrams-style “patriotism.” Those in Congress who still care, beware.

Civil Liberties At Stake

The liberties that Gonzales, Chertoff and Negroponte have taken with human rights are warning signs enough.  The increased power that will be Negroponte’s under the recent intelligence reform legislation makes the situation still more worrisome.

How many times have we heard the plaintive plea for better information sharing among the various intelligence agencies?  It is important to understand that the culprit there is a failure of leadership, not a structural fault.

I served under nine CIA directors, four of them at close remove. And I watched the system work more often than malfunction.  Under their second hat as director of Central Intelligence, those directors already had the necessary statutory authority to coordinate effectively the various intelligence agencies and ensure that they did not hoard information. All that was needed was a strong leader with integrity, courage, with no felt need to be a “team player,” and a president who would back him up when necessary.  (Sadly, it has been 24 years since the intelligence community has had a director—and a president—fitting that bill.)

Lost in all the hand-wringing about lack of intelligence sharing is the fact that the CIA and the FBI have been kept separate and distinct entities for very good reason—first and foremost, to protect civil liberties.  But now, under the intelligence reform legislation, the DNI will have under his aegis not only the entire CIA—whose operatives are skilled at breaking (foreign) law—but also a major part of the FBI, whose agents are carefully trained not to violate constitutional protections or otherwise go beyond the law.  (That is why the FBI agents at Guantanamo judged it necessary to report the abuses they saw.)

This is one area that gives cause for serious concern lest, for example, the law enjoining CIA from any domestic investigative or police power be eroded.  Those old enough to remember the Vietnam War and operation COINTELPRO have a real-life reminder of what can happen when lines of jurisdiction are blurred and “super-patriots” are given carte blanche to pursue citizen “dissidents”—particularly in time of war.

Aware of these dangers and eager to prevent the creation of the president’s own Gestapo, both the 9/11 Commission and Congress proposed creation of an oversight board to safeguard civil liberties. Nice idea. But by the time the legislation passed last December, the powers and independence of the “Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board” had been so watered down as to be a laughingstock.  For example, the Board’s access to information from government agencies requires the approval of the DNI and the attorney general, who can withhold information from the Board for a variety of reasons—among them the familiar “national security interests.”  In addition, the Board lacks subpoena power over third parties.  Clearly, if the Board does not have unfettered access to information on sensitive law enforcement or intelligence gathering initiatives, the role of the Board (primarily oversight and guidance) becomes window dressing.  In short, the Board has been made lame before it could take its first step.

“What the hell do we care; what the hell do we care” is the familiar second line of “Hail, Hail, the Gang’s All Here.”  Suffice it to say that, with Chertoff, Abrams and now Negroponte back in town, those concerned to protect civil liberties here at home and to advance them abroad need to care a whole lot.

Corruption, Politicization of Intelligence

Gen. William Odom, one of the most highly respected and senior intelligence professionals, now retired, put a useful perspective on last summer’s politically driven rush into wholesale intelligence reform.  In a Washington Post  op-ed on Aug. 1, he was typically direct in saying, “No organizational design will compensate for incompetent incumbents.”  I believe he would be the first to agree that the adjectives “careerist and sycophantic” should be added to “incompetence,” for incompetence often is simply the handmaiden of those noxious traits.  And the failure of the 9/11 Commission and the Congress to insist that real people be held accountable is a major part of the problem.

Intelligence reform in a highly charged political atmosphere gathers a momentum of its own, and the reform bill Congress passed late last year is largely charade.  The “reforms” do not get to the heart of the problem. What is lacking is not a streamlined organizational chart, but integrity.  Character counts.  Those who sit atop the intelligence community need to have the courage to tell it like it is—even if that means telling the president his neocon tailors have sold him the kind of suit that makes him a naked mockery (as with the fashion designed by Ahmed Chalabi).

Is John Negroponte up to that?  Standing in the oval office with Gonzales and Chertoff, will Negroponte succumb to being the “team player” he has been…or will he summon the independence to speak to the president without fear or favor—the way we used to at CIA?

It is, of course, too early to tell.  Suffice it to say at this point that there is little in his recent government service to suggest he will buck the will of his superiors, even when he knows they are wrong—or even when he is aware that their course skirts the constitutional prerogatives of the duly elected representatives of the American people in Congress.  Will he tell the president the truth, even when the truth makes it clear that administration policy is failing—as in Iraq?  Reports that, as ambassador in Baghdad, Negroponte tried to block cables from the CIA Chief of Station conveying a less rosy picture of the situation there reinforces the impression that he will choose to blend in with the white-collar, white, White House indigenous.

The supreme irony is that President Bush seems blissfully unaware that the politicization that Vice President Dick Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, and he have fostered in the intelligence community has lost them an invaluable resource for the orderly making of foreign policy.  It pains me to see how many senior careerists at CIA and elsewhere have made a career (literally) of telling the White House what they think it wants to hear.

If that proves just fine with the new DNI and he contents himself with redrawing wire diagrams, the security of our country is in greater danger. If, on the other hand, Negroponte wants to ensure that he and his troops speak truth to power–despite the inevitable pressure to fall in line with existing policy—he has his work cut out for him.  At CIA, at least, he will have to cashier many careerists at upper management levels and find folks with integrity and courage to move into senior positions.  And he will have to prove to them that he is serious.  The institutionalization of politicization over the last two dozen years has so traumatized the troops that the burden of proof will lie with Negroponte.

The President’s Daily Brief

The scene visualized by President Bush yesterday for his morning briefing routine, once Negroponte is confirmed, stands my hair on end.  I did such morning briefings for the vice president, the secretaries of State and Defense, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the National Security Assistant from 1981 to 1985—each of them one-on-one.  Our small team of briefers was comprised of senior analysts who had been around long enough to earn respect and trust.  We had the full confidence of the CIA director; when he was in town we would brief him just before lunch, hours after we had made the rounds downtown.

When I learned a few years ago that former director George Tenet was going down to the oval office with the briefer, I asked myself, “What is that all about?”  The last thing we wanted or needed was the director breathing down our necks.  And didn’t he have other things to do?

We were there to tell it like it is—and, in those days, at least, we had career protection for doing so.  And so we did.  If, for example, one of those senior officials asked if there was good evidence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, and we knew that the serious, honest analysts thought not, we would say “No sir.”

But you ask, “Even if the director has said it was a ‘slam dunk?’” Yes. Even after the director had said it was a slam dunk!  But bear in mind that in those days the task was not so heroic.  We did not have the director standing behind us to “help.”

From what President Bush said yesterday, John Negroponte, the man farthest removed from substantive intelligence analysis—not to mention the background and genesis of the briefing items chosen for a particular day—will be the president’s “primary briefer.”  I am told that President Bush does not read the President’s Daily Brief, but rather has it read to him.

Who will do the reading?  Who will attempt to answer the president’s questions?  Will there be a senior analyst there in a supporting role?  Will s/he have career protection, should it be necessary to correct Negroponte’s answers?  Will Negroponte ask CIA Director Porter Goss to participate as well?  Will the briefer feel constrained with very senior officials there?  Will s/he be able to speak without fear of favor, drawing, for example, on what the real experts say regarding Iran’s nuclear capability and plans?  These are important questions.  A lot will depend on the answers.

We had a good thing going in the ‘80s.  Ask those we briefed and whose trust we gained.  It is hard to see that frittered away. Worst of all, the president appears oblivious to the difference.  I wish he would talk to his earthly father. He knows. http://www.gnn.tv/headlines/1199/Hail_Hail_The_Gang_s_All_Here_Negroponte_Will_Fit_Right_In

**At the Senate hearing about Negroponte's nomination for UN Ambassador, Sen. Joe Biden, then Chair of the Foreign Relations Cmte, made excuses for Negroponte’s actions in Honduras.

 

Negroponte Joins Dark Power Shadows

Now folks, this is your President speaking. You all elected this piece of shit, the least you can do is vote his proteges out of office in 2006.

Havana, Feb 18 (Prensa Latina) The George W. Bush government is a team of shadows whose highest ranking officials rank among the darkest of US reactionary political fauna, Granma newspaper´s international page denounces Friday.

According to the paper, each time Bush nominates an official for a post, he picks the worst of all, and together, they make up the worst, gloomiest, cruelest and most messianic administration of all.

His recent nomination of John Negroponte as first national intelligence chief, a position above the country´s spying network, with huge powers and a large budget, proves the above-mentioned assessment.

From now on, Negroponte will direct US spies and the agents who torture and scheme assassinations and coups in the world.

As ambassador to Iraq for less than a year, he became the US proconsul, the figure on which the "Government" of Iyad Allawi counts for all decisions, the mastermind of atrocities such as the rocking of Fallujah, torture camps, assassination of journalists and shut down the numerous irregularities, frauds and bribes.

His dossier is as sordid as his role in Iraq.

On his recent appointment, Bertha Oliva, coordinator of the Committee of Families of Missing in Honduras, where he worked as ambassador and was close to the military regime between 1981 and 1985, said, "that is incredible," the US even made up a post to please a disastrous character of the history of Honduras and Central America."

In Honduras, Negroponte played a decisive role in the organization, training and weapon supplying of the counterrevolutionary forces fighting the Sandinista National Liberation Front during the Ronald Reagan mandate.

His reign there contributed to the increase of human right violations and tortures, missing of leftwing members and the creation of an intelligence squad that kept assassinations silent.

The newly-nominated intelligence director was an assistant to the National Security Agency in the George H Bush administration, and ambassador to Mexico and the Philippines.

When the Senate took six months to name him ambassador to the UN, Negroponte stated, "I do not think death squads operated in Honduras."

Since he was used to saying lies, it was obvious Bush set eyes on him, although his attempts to materialize the UN Security Council approval of the aggression on Iraq failed short.

According to Mexican La Frontera.info newspaper, John Negroponte is a hawk with a reputation for combining an iron-shaped character with a velvet glove," and closely tied to the Iran-Contra case.

The online daily said Negroponte promoted repression, and the Nizkor organization accused him of overseeing the Aguacate air base where the Nicaraguan counterrevolutionary forces were detained and torture.

Several corpses of alleged 185 people murdered and buried at the base were found in August.

Thanks John, the White House provided the Honduran military regime with over one billion USD allowing feed the Battalion 316 the Central Intelligence Agency and the Argentine military regime trained.

Allegedly, the Battalion 316 was involved in the missing of 140 people.

The Torrediconfine.org website reported Negroponte was the highest US official connected to the aggression on Honduras; therefore, the Nuremberg laws against people responsible for war crimes can be applied to him.

However, instead of taking him to court, the Bush administration designated him US ambassador to the UN in 2001.

In July 1995, the Baltimore Sun newspaper headlined: "Honduras: when Negroponte and the Argentine Army members turned it into the inferno."

"When a wave of torture and murders shake a small ally to the US, the truth is included in casualties. Did the CIA involve in it? Was Washington aware of it? Did they deceive the public?," indicated the paper.

"Now we do learn from it: yes, yes and yes," Granma concludes.

ef/ecq http://www.plenglish.com/Article.asp?ID=%7B02A90D34-C4F6-4A3B-84E8-C55C54A1F29B%7D&language=EN

=======================================

Nicaragua Network

Negroponte's deputy, Lt. Gen. Mike Hayden
Thu Feb 17, 2005 13:35
64.140.158.59

Stop Human Rights Obstructer John Negroponte
Act immediately to prevent Senate approval of
Negroponte for Ambassador to the UN


John Negroponte
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.


John Dimitri Negroponte (born July 21, 1939) (pronounced neg-row-pontee) is the current United States ambassador to Iraq and the nominee as the first U.S. Director of National Intelligence. A career diplomat who served in the United States Foreign Service from 1960 to 1997, Negroponte served as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations from September of 2001 until June 2004. As ambassador to Iraq, Negroponte oversees the largest American diplomatic facility in the world.

He is a controversial figure because of his involvement in covert funding of the Contras in Nicaragua (see Iran-Contra Affair) and his covering up of human rights abuses carried out by CIA-trained operatives in Honduras in the 1980s.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Negroponte

==============================
Bush to name John Negroponte as national intelligence chief

... Bush on Thursday named John Negroponte as the first national intelligence director to coordinate the work of all 15 intelligence agencies of the United States. ...
John Negroponte Named for US Intelligence Chief Sofia News Agency
Bush taps Negroponte as new spy overseer Turkish Press
Bush Nominates Negroponte As Intel Chief Guardian
ABC News - Ireland Online -

http://nicaragua.newstrove.com/
Bush named Lt. Gen. Mike Hayden, who has served as director of the National Security Agency since March 1999, as Negroponte's deputy. He is the longest serving director of the secretive codebreaking agency and has pushed for changes, such as asking longtime agency veterans to retire and increasing reliance on technology contractors. "If we're going to stop the terrorists before they strike," Bush said, "we must ensure that our intelligence agencies work as a single, unified enterprise." Negroponte, 65, was at the United Nations when he was tapped to take on the delicate job of transforming the U.S.
http://nicaragua.newstrove.com/

Bush names first national intelligence director
Published in Dailybreeze.com - Indexed on Feb 17, 2005 Similar pages
Relevance:
Responding, Negroponte called the new job "the most challenging assignment I have undertaken in more than 40 years of government service." Said Bush: "He understands the power centers in Washington." Bush named Lt. Gen. Mike Hayden, who has served as director of the National Security Agency since March 1999, as Negroponte's deputy. He is the longest serving director of the secretive codebreaking agency and has pushed for changes, such as asking longtime agency veterans to retire and increasing reliance on technology contractors.
http://nicaragua.newstrove.com/
==============================================

... Congressional investigations into Iran-Contra, and with the expose by Gary Webb
of the ... he just an "old friend?" Or is he like John Negroponte, "uniquely suited ...


... possessed; they are communist." Negroponte will now ... Managing Director, Riverside
Holdings: John Lancaster Managing ... Like Moore, Gary Webb, a former reporter for ...

=======================

On December 10, 2004 former investigative reporter for the San Jose Mercury News Gary Webb - who had been on the CIA's "black list" ever since he broke the story of the agency's VILE involvement in flooding the poor black neighborhoods of L.A. with cocaine in the early 1980s - was found dead in his Sacramento area home, an apparent suicide according to the coroner. There was a gunshot wound through his head. No! - make that TWO (possibly three) gunshot wounds, apparently from his father's old .38 caliber revolver. [Please see our articles, "The Drug Epidemic, Viruses, Ebola, and AIDS" and "Material Developed by Gary Webb on the Importation of Drugs into the Neighborhoods of the Poor" for a "run-down" or synopsis on Webb's article, "Dark Alliance;" please also see our story as to why the elites (and the CIA) targeted the poor black neighborhoods of the country in this fashion, "The Utility of Police Brutality in the Elite's War Against the Poor;" finally, we urge you to read our article on the CIA's obscene involvement in the drug trade entitled, "A Short History of the CIA's Involvement in the Drug Trade."]
http://portland.indymedia.org/en/2005/01/309640.shtml

==================

... Witheld information during Iran-Contra scandal but was pardoned in 1992. A protege
of Reagan's UN envoy, Jeane Kirkpatrick. John Negroponte Bush choice for UN ...
Results 1 - 10 of about 15,900 for John Negroponte + Iran Contra
CLICK FOR LINKS:


=====================================

Stop Human Rights Obstructer John Negroponte
... to two misdemeanor counts of lying to Congress during the Iran Contra hearings and ...
we can keep out former US Ambassador to Honduras John Negroponte who played ...
CLICK FOR LINKS:


====================================
On August 27, 1997, CIA Inspector General Frederick P. Hitz released a 211-page classified report entitled "Selected Issues Relating to CIA Activities in Honduras in the 1980s." This report was partly declassified on October 22, 1998, in response to persistent demands by the Honduran human rights ombudsman. You can read parts of the document on the National Security Archives website. Only senators and their staff who have security clearance can read the report in its entirety. It is absolutely critical that every senator read and consider the entire report before approving Negroponte’s nomination. Negroponte is highly respected in diplomatic circles as "a man who speaks five languages but knows when to keep silent." Due to his urbane temperament and broad support in the professional diplomatic field, it will be very tempting for senators to whisk his nomination through.
http://www.maryknoll.org/GLOBAL/ALERTS/no_negroponte.htm

=====================================

"Look," Negroponte says,
Fri Feb 18, 2005 00:16
 
"Look," Negroponte says, "any missing person is a human tragedy. For that person and their family. I've even met some of the people. My heart goes out to them. Yet, El Salvador would have more people missing in one week than occurred during the entire conflict in Honduras. They talk about 117 people missing in Honduras? [Human rights activists say the number is closer to 200.] During the height of problems in El Salvador, that happened in one week. Fifty thousand were killed in that country. It's a question of keeping things in perspective."

With the exception of four years working for McGraw-Hill, Negroponte's entire working life has been in diplomacy. "I spent 3 1/2 years of a 40-year career in Honduras. It's only a small part of my career."

As a matter of fact, when Negroponte was in Honduras, he was a fairly beloved figure. It had much to do with a Honduran baby crying by the road. And with the dazzling woman from an evening in Vietnam who had become his wife.
'One-Woman Peace Corps'

Diana's father was Sir Charles Villiers, a merchant banker who would rise to become chairman of British Steel. Villiers had a powerful social conscience. In his youth, he went to work for Tubby Clayton, a cleric who tended to the poor. The activism spilled over to his daughter. "He represented social justice for the unemployed man and their families," says Diana Negroponte. "That, along with my mother's work as a social worker in the East End of London, were elements I grew up with."

She and Negroponte met again in 1976, years after their original meeting. "I met his mother at a wedding in London," Diana says. "I asked her, 'How is your son doing?' She groans. John was 36 and unmarried. Mother got to work and mother pulled it off. Six months later we were married."

Wherever they went, he'd do the political thing, and she'd hustle off to the barrios, the slums, the tough places. "She was a one-woman Peace Corps," says Stanley Karnow. "I was down in Honduras once. She was out in the refugee camps and she came back to the capital all covered with chiggers. She's absolutely formidable."

Parents went missing during the contra war. Babies appeared on the sides of roads, in shacks, alone.

A Honduran nun told Diana Negroponte about a baby girl that had been found abandoned. The baby had been covered with ants, with worms. The nun asked Diana if she knew someone who might want to adopt the child. She did: her and her husband, Ambassador Negroponte. They adopted the child, and were hardly finished. Another child was found, and they adopted that one as well. Over the years, five Honduran children would be adopted by the Negropontes -- Marina, now 22, Alejandra, now 20, John, now 16, George, now 14, and Sophia, now 11.

The revelations about Battalion 316 had yet to surface and many Hondurans were wildly taken with the Negropontes. "She did more for diplomatic relations by adopting those children than anyone in the world," says her brother-in-law, Nick. "John and Diana turned the American residence into a nursery. The special forces troops there became sort of like nannies."

When President Bush nominated Negroponte to become ambassador to the United Nations in 2001, the revelations about what had happened in Honduras were more fully known and opponents tried to derail the nomination. But Negroponte wasn't sailing alone. "As he became a favorite target of the left," says Birns, "he became a revered figure to the right."

The confirmation hearings got underway in September 2001. They came to an abrupt halt as planes barreled into the World Trade Center. When they resumed, it was against the backdrop of a rattled nation, struck by terror, with a pronounced urgency to get a U.N. ambassador in place.

Sen. Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.) allowed as to how he did not wish to relive the Honduran situation, but had no choice inasmuch as the committee, in earlier hearings with Negroponte, had been "flying blind." But now, with new information, that was no longer the case. "Based upon the committee's review of State Department and CIA documents, it would seem that Ambassador Negroponte knew far more about government-perpetuated human rights abuses than he chose to share with the committee in 1989 or in embassy contributions at the time to annual State Department Human Rights reports. . . .

"Finally, I would say a word of caution to other career foreign service officers, particularly junior officers, that they not consider this nominee's lack of candor before the committee as a model to be emulated," Dodd said.

Still, Negroponte won confirmation -- as well as Dodd's vote.

Negroponte has received good reviews on his U.N. posting, from U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, among others. When President Bush announced Negroponte's nomination to Iraq, the hot lights came on once again.

Harkin's recitations from the Senate floor took on a familiar ring: the death squads, evasion, the lack of candor. Harkin summoned again the name of the Rev. James Carney, an American priest presumed killed by the death squads. Carney's body has never been found. "I am not suggesting Ambassador Negroponte was responsible for Father Carney's disappearance," Harkin said. "What I am saying, however, is Ambassador Negroponte was in very close contact, perhaps almost on a daily basis, with Gen. Gustavo Alvarez, the commander in chief of the Honduran military, and the architect of Battalion 316. For Ambassador Negroponte in 1982 to say it is simply untrue that death squads have made appearances in Honduras -- this is going to be our ambassador to Iraq at this time?"

"I should have raised my voice louder than I did," Harkin says about opposing Negroponte's nominations. "I've been amazed at how this individual -- from what he did in Central America, where under his watch hundreds of people disappeared -- has moved up. He falsified reports and ignored what was happening."

Harkin adds: "I feel a certain sense that I let people down because I haven't kept on this guy."

The Negroponte loyalists have heard it all before.

"I know the circumstances," says Diana Negroponte, who teaches history at Fordham University in New York. "The dilemma is: Should you be explicit in your condemnation of human rights? John had a different tactic. His tactic was to go quietly to the president and the chief of the armed forces and say 'Stop it.' He did not go public. I know that he protested because he'd come back and tell me about the meetings."

Nick Negroponte has watched his brother's rise in the foreign service with awe. He attributes a good part of his brother's success to "professional silence."

To Diana Negroponte, her husband's critics emerge at intervals as if from behind a velvet curtain. "It's an old battle," Diana Negroponte says. "I want to say to these people: 'Haven't you moved on?' To keep fighting all of that is old hat."

"I visited him in Honduras," recalls Richard Holbrooke. "He denies the charges. I do not know what happened there."

"I have no idea what happened in Honduras," says Anthony Lake, who served as national security adviser under President Clinton. "I have no reason to believe John hasn't been honorable." He lauds the Negroponte appointment. "I can't think of a better appointment to Baghdad. I have opposed this [administration's] policy, but every American has a stake in its success and I can't think of a better person than John to be representing the U.S. in Baghdad."

"It's going to be difficult," Negroponte says of Iraq. "There are many challenges to face. I'd like to say two things: I am very committed to the proposition that a free and strong Iraq can be realized. I see no reason why Iraq shouldn't be able to realize its aspirations of peace with itself and its neighbors."
'I Wanted to Call Him a Liar'

Zenaida Velasquez Rodriguez is on the phone from San Jose. She is a political refugee, having fled Honduras in 1988. Her brother went missing and is presumed dead. In less than three minutes of conversation, her voice has already begun to crack.

Manfredo Velasquez was a schoolteacher and a protester. He was in the marketplace of Tegucigalpa, the capital, when eyewitnesses saw men hustle him into an automobile. The date was Sept. 12, 1981. "As of today, we don't even have a vague idea of where his remains could be," his sister says. "It's like having an open wound that is bleeding all the time."

Manfredo had a wife and three kids.

As more and more people began to go missing, Zenaida Velasquez helped found the Committee of Families of the Disappeared. "It was a state of terror," she says of Honduras during the contra wars. "We were very afraid. We were paying for ads in the newspapers to talk about the disappearances."

Manfredo's son, Hector, 7 years old at the time, taped one of the ads directed to Gen. Alvarez and the army. The boy's words: "General, my father is Manfredo. He was detained by members of your Army. Please release him. I want to have Christmas with my father."

Zenaida pleaded with the U.S. Embassy for a meeting to inquire about her brother, to ask for an investigation. Ambassador Negroponte agreed to see her.

"Finally, he received us, some family members and families of others who had disappeared as well. He denied completely any knowledge of what was going on. But we knew every day he was meeting with the chief of the army, Alvarez. Honduras is a very small country."

She catches herself, then goes on: "You know what? He doesn't even look you in the eye. We were crying and desperate. I wanted to call him a liar. It was hard."
Next Stop, Baghdad

At the end of his confirmation hearing in April, Negroponte rose and shook hands all around. A couple of his daughters were in attendance, along with his wife. Family friends and well-wishers hovered. Then Negroponte turned, swinging his umbrella in one hand and, in the other, his lovely brown leather briefcase. Heading for the door, bound for Iraq. He glided right by Andres Thomas Conteris, back inside the room now, glowering in silence, the bearded man who had yelled, who had come to represent the ghosts, the dead, the missing.

© 2004 The Washington Post Company
http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A56555-2004Jun20?language=printer

----------------

John Negroponte skull & Bones.

Uncommon Thought Journal: Kerry and Bush are "brothers"
... The Skull & Bones has connections ... Herbert Walker Bush (C,T), George Tenet (C), Dick
Cheney (C,T), Colin Powell (C,B), UN Ambassador John Negroponte (C) and ...
MORE:>>
Results 1 - 10 of about 3,240 for John Negroponte skull & Bones.


=========

... Member of, CFR, ? >, Officer of, USStateDept, : : Student of, YaleUniv, <, : click
name for cross-reference, search links include keywords. ^ Negroponte, John D ...
MORE:>>



Negroponte's Dark Past
The Nation - 9 hours ago
... as the Administration fervently hopes in the case of John Negroponte. ... But 9/11 rescued Negroponte. ... Don't forget about DAVID CORN's BLOG at www.davidcorn.com


How many times can I write the same piece about John Negroponte?

Today George W. Bush named him to the new post of Director of National Intelligence. Previously, Bush had hired Negroponte to be UN ambassador and then US ambassador to the new Iraq. On each of those earlier occasions, I noted that Negroponte's past deserved scrutiny. After all, during the Reagan years, when he was ambassador to Honduras, Negroponte was involved in what was arguably an illegal covert quid pro quo connected to the Iran/contra scandal, and he refused to acknowledge significant human rights abuses committed by the pro-US military in Honduras. But each time Negroponte's appointment came before the Senate, he won easy confirmation. Now that he's been tapped to lead the effort to reorganize and reform an intelligence community that screwed up 9/11 and the WMD-in-Iraq assignment, Negroponte will likely sail through the confirmation process once again.

His previous exploits, though, warrant more attention than ever. He has been credibly accused of rigging a human rights report that was politically inconvenient. This is a bad omen. The fundamental mission of the intelligence community is to provide policymakers with unvarnished and valuable information-even if it causes the policymakers headaches. But there's reason to believe that Negroponte did the opposite in tough circumstances. If that is the case, he would not be the right man to oversee an intelligence community that needs solid leaders who are committed to truth-finding. Rather than rewrite my previous work on Negroponte, I am posting below the article I did after Bush named him the viceroy of Baghdad. It's more relevant today than when it first appeared. But I doubt Negroponte's dark history will finally trigger a confirmation debate within the Senate. He has skated in the past; he'll likely do so again.
http://www.thenation.com/capitalgames/index.mhtml?bid=3&pid=2203

======================================================

About John Negroponte - Biography and Controversies
Thu Feb 17, 2005 18:58
About John Negroponte - Biography and Controversies
http://www.california-recall.com/articles/article-136181083090027.html

OVERVIEW - About John Negroponte - Biography and Controversies - John Dimitri Negroponte was born on July 21, 1939 in London. His father was a Greek shipping magnate. He graduated from Yale University in 1960. He later served at eight different Foreign Service posts in Asia, Europe and Latin America; and he also held important positions at the State Department and the White House. From 1997 until his appointment as ambassador to the UN, Negroponte was an executive with McGraw-Hill. He speaks five languages.
John Dimitri Negroponte has been the United States ambassador to the United Nations since September 2001. He is a career diplomat who served in the US Foreign Service from 1960 to 1997. On April 19, 2004, Negroponte was nominated by US president George W. Bush to be US ambassador to Iraq after the June 30 handover.

His appointment to the UN post was a controversial one because of his involvement in covert funding of the Contras and his covering up of human rights abuses in Honduras in the 1980s. He is seen by many as a terrorist sponsor for supporting the Contra insurgency against the left wing Sandinistas, the first ever democratically elected government of Nicaragua. He is also acused of inciting Contra attacks on civilians.

From 1981 to 1985 Negroponte was US ambassador to Honduras. During his tenure, he oversaw the growth of military aid to Honduras from $4 million to $77.4 million a year. According to The New York Times, Negroponte was responsible for "carrying out the covert strategy of the Reagan administration to crush the Sandinistas government in Nicaragua." Critics say that during his ambassadorship, human rights violations in Honduras became systematic.

Negroponte supervised the creation of the El Aguacate air base, where the US trained Nicaraguan Contras and which critics say was used as a secret detention and torture center during the 1980s. In August 2001, excavations at the base discovered 185 corpses, including two Americans, who are thought to have been killed and buried at the site.

Records also show that a special intelligence unit of the Honduran armed forces, Battalion 3-16, trained by the CIA and Argentine military, kidnapped, tortured and killed hundreds of people, including US missionaries. Critics charge that Negroponte knew about these human rights violations and yet continued to collaborate with the Honduran military while lying to Congress.

In May 1982, a nun, Sister Laetitia Bordes, who had worked for ten years in El Salvador, went on a fact-finding delegation to Honduras to investigate the whereabouts of thirty Salvadoran nuns and women of faith who fled to Honduras in 1981 after Archbishop Oscar Romero's assassination. Negroponte claimed the embassy knew nothing. But in a 1996 interview with the Baltimore Sun, Negroponte's predecessor, Jack Binns, said that a group of Salvadorans, among whom were the women Bordes had been looking for, were captured on April 22, 1981, and savagely tortured by the DNI, the Honduran Secret Police, and then later thrown out of helicopters alive.

In early 1984, two American mercenaries, Thomas Posey and Dana Parker, contacted Negroponte, stating they wanted to supply arms to the Contras after the U.S. Congress had banned further military aid. Documents show that Negroponte brought the two with a contact in the Honduran armed forces The operation was exposed nine months later, at which point the Reagan administration denied any US involvement, despite Negroponte's participation in the scheme. Other documents uncovered a plan of Negroponte and then-Vice President George H. W. Bush to funnel Contra aid money through the Honduran government.

During his tenure as US ambassador to Honduras, Binns, who was appointed by President Jimmy Carter, made numerous complaints about human rights abuses by the Honduran military and he claimed he fully briefed Negroponte on the situation before leaving the post. When the Reagan administration came to power, Binns was replaced by Negroponte, who has consistently denied having knowledge of any wrongdoing. Later, the Honduras Commission on Human Rights accused Negroponte himself of human rights violations.

Speaking of Negroponte and other senior US officials, an ex-Honduran congressman, Efrain Diaz, told the Baltimore Sun, which in 1995 published an extensive investigation of US activities in Honduras:

Their attitude was one of tolerance and silence. They needed Honduras to loan its territory more than they were concerned about innocent people being killed. The Suns's investigation found that the CIA and US embassy knew of numerous abuses but continued to support Battalion 3-16 and ensured that the embassy's annual human rights report did not contain the full story.

When President Bush announced Negroponte's appointment to the UN shortly after coming to office, it was met with widespread protest. However, the Bush administration did not back down and even went so far as to try to silence potential witnesses. On March 25, the Los Angeles Times reported on the sudden deportation from the United States of several former Honduran death squad members who could have provided damaging testimony against Negroponte in his Senate confirmation hearings. One of the deportees was General Luis Alonso Discua, founder of Battalion 3-16. In the preceding month, Washington had revoked the visa of Discua who was Honduras' Deputy Ambassador to the UN. Nonetheless, Discua went public with details of US support of Battalion 3-16.

Upon learning of Negroponte's nomination, Reed Brody of Human Rights Watch in New York commented:

When John Negroponte was ambassador he looked the other way when serious atrocities were committed. One would have to wonder what kind of message the Bush administration is sending about human rights by this appointment.
http://www.california-recall.com/articles/article-136181083090027.html
=========================

THE HORROR OF JOHN DIMITRI NEGROPONTE AND EVERYTHING HE REPRESENTS
THE HORROR OF JOHN DIMITRI NEGROPONTE AND EVERYTHING HE REPRESENTS. ... THERE IS A REASON
WHY WE HAVE TOLD YOU THE STORY OF JOHN DIMITRI NEGROPONTE. ...
MORE:>>


================

SPOOKS FROM THE PAST

And there's no doubt about it: President Bush is enlisting the aid of the very best practitioners of REALPOLITIK in the world today to accomplish his dark, very menacing ends in Iraq. Terry Allan writes:

"Like SPOOKS from an abandoned B-Movie graveyard, officials of the Reagan-Bush era (i.e., the people who fought and won the homicidal Contra Wars in Central America in the 1980s) are emerging from the dirt and showing up inside the George W. Bush administration. THE LATEST RESURRECTION IS JOHN NEGROPONTE ...
http://www.antipasministries.com/oldnews/negroponte.html

You may reach Fred via email at fred@endtimesnetwork.com

==================================================

Congressional Record: September 14, 2001 (Senate)
Page S9431-S9433                       




                     NOMINATION OF JOHN NEGROPONTE

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, yesterday the Foreign Relations Committee 
held a hearing to consider the nomination of John Negroponte to be the 
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations. I was unable to 
attend yesterday's hearing because I was with my wife Jackie attending 
the birth of our daughter Grace.
  I believe that it was very important yesterday that the Committee 
hearing focused in part on a careful review of new information that has 
come to light related to Ambassador Negroponte's tenure in Honduras 
during 1981-85 to see whether Congress had been kept fully informed 
about all aspects of U.S. policy with respect to Honduras during his 
watch.
  I recognize, that this is not a normal week for the Senate or for the 
American people. President Bush has indicated that he wants the United 
States to be represented by an Ambassador at the United Nations as 
quickly as possible, particularly in light of this week's tragic 
events. I don't disagree with that view.
  However, the Foreign Relations Committee did have a responsibility to 
review the questions raised in connection

[[Page S9432]]

with this nomination. They discharged that responsibility yesterday. 
The Committee has proceeded expeditiously, professionally and fairly 
with Ambassador Negroponte's nomination. It requested and receive 
documents from the State Department and CIA. Those documents were 
reviewed, consisting of several thousand pages, the committee proceeded 
with the hearing yesterday and today the Senate is ready to act. There 
have been no undue delays.
  Let's review the time line of this nomination to date. The President 
announced his intent to nominate Ambassador Negroponte for the U.N. 
post on March 6. The nomination was not submitted to the Senate, 
however, until May 14, nearly four months into the Administration, by 
contrast, Madeleine Albright was nominated for the U.N. post on January 
20, 1993 and confirmed six days later.
  On May 3, over a week before the nomination was submitted, the 
Committee Democrats wrote the President to request that the 
Administration provide documents to the Committee so it could review 
issues related to Negroponte's tenure in Honduras. On May 8, Committee 
staff submitted a list of requested documents to representatives of the 
White House and the State Department. The last document responsive to 
the original request of May 8 was not provided, however, until late 
July. The Committee staff reviewed several thousand pages of documents 
responsive to the request and determined that a number of documents 
which were still classified contained important information on 
questions raised about Ambassador Negroponte's tenure in Honduras.
  The chairman of the committee then requested that the State 
Department and CIA undertake a review of documents within the 
committee's possession that remained classified with a goal of making 
public as much information as possible in order to shed additional 
light on what role if any the United States played in the human rights 
abuses that were perpetrated against the Honduran people in the first 
half of the 1980s, and specifically what knowledge or involvement the 
United States Ambassador, at the time Mr. Negroponte, had in those 
abuses. The committee also offered to begin hearings prior to the 
August recess on U.N. issues, with another hearing to follow in 
September on issues related to Negroponte's service in Honduras. The 
administration chose to wait until September to begin the hearing 
process. So we are talking about a period of approximately fourteen 
weeks of working days of the Senate from the time the nomination was 
submitted until today. This compares quite favorably when compared to 
the Holbrooke nomination which took from February 1999 to August 1999 .
  Some conservative columnists have suggested that I and others are 
trying to re-fight the Central America conflict of the 1980's. Nothing 
could be further from the truth. Rather, I would argue that there is an 
effort underway in some quarters to rewrite the history of U.S. 
involvement in that conflict and sweep under the rug how politically 
painful and damaging that policy was. In the early 1980's, the Congress 
and the American people were told that the United States had no 
involvement in using Honduras in as a staging ground for a convert 
Contra program to overthrow Nicaragua's Sandinista government. Later, 
when the so called second Boland amendment cutting off assistance to 
the Contra was passed we were told that the United States was not 
violating that provision of law. That of course proved to be untruth as 
the Iran Contra Investigation demonstrated. Similarly we were told that 
the Honduran military was not as a matter of policy violating human 
rights of its citizens or that the Salvadoran High Command had no known 
or culpability for the torture and murder of the American church women 
or the Jesuit priests. Of course we now know that none of that was in 
fact true. It is indisputable that this fabric of untruths and half 
truths caused deep fissures in the Congressional-Executive branch 
relationship and in the trust of the American people in their 
government. Those fissures will only be fully healed if there is 
honesty and full candor between the Executive and the Congress.
  Our policy was also controversial throughout Central America. Tens of 
thousands of Central Americans lost their lives during the 1980's, many 
at the hands of their own governments. Tens of thousands more had their 
lives permanently marred by losses of loved ones. Fortunately, in 1987 
Central American leaders took their fate into their own hands and 
crafted the Central America Peace Agreement. President George H. Bush, 
upon coming to office in 1989 embraced the peace agreement and reached 
out to the Congress in order to de-politicize Central America. 
Elections followed in Nicaragua, as did a negotiated settlement to the 
civil conflict in El Salvador. Honduras ceased to be a staging area for 
the U.S. backed contras. El Salvador and Honduras have undertaken to 
come to grips with the past by attempting to investigate and assign 
responsibility for the atrocities that occurred in their respective 
countries as an important step in the process of peace and 
reconciliation.

  Since Ambassador Negroponte was last confirmed by the Senate as 
Ambassador to the Philippines in 1993, a great deal of new information 
has come to light about the nature and extent of human rights abuses 
during his tenure in Honduras. This information also raised questions 
about the appropriateness of the U.S. Embassy's response and about 
whether Ambassador Negroponte had been forthright with the Committee in 
1989 when I asked him questions about these matters.
  How has this new information come to light? It is the result of a 
number of investigations into this subject from 1992-1998: First in 
1992, Leo Valladares, the Honduran National Commissioner for the 
Protection of Human Rights undertook to catalog the disappearances and 
other human rights abuses that occurred in Honduras in the eighties. 
That investigation is still ongoing. Prompted by the Valladares 
investigation the Baltimore Sun's undertook its own year long 
investigation which resulted in 1995 in a four part series detailing 
human rights abuses by a special Honduran military intelligence unit, 
the so called Battalion 316, and U.S. embassy links to that unit, and 
knowledge thereof. In 1996, this led CIA Director John Deutch to 
establish a Special Working Group within the agency to assess whether 
the allegations raised by the series were valid. Finally, the CIA 
Director tasked the CIA's Inspector General to resolve specific 
questions raised by the Working Group as it related to the death of an 
American citizen, Father James Carney, and about the CIA's relationship 
with members of the Honduran military who may have committed human 
rights abuses before or doing that relationship.
  The picture that emerges in analyzing this new information is a 
troubling one. Some of the key facts that the Committee put on public 
record during yesterday's hearing thanks to the cooperation of the 
State Department and CIA are the following: One, during 1980-84, the 
Honduran military committed most of the hundreds of human rights abuses 
reported in Honduras. These abuses were often politically motivated and 
officially sanctioned; two, Honduran military units were trained by the 
U.S.--members of these units have been linked to death squad activities 
such as killings, disappearances, and other human rights abuses; three, 
the CIA's reporting of human rights abuses was inconsistent. Reporting 
inadequacies precluded CIA headquarters from understanding the scope of 
human rights abuses; four, the responsibility for monitoring and taking 
action against domestic subversion in Honduras was first the 
responsibility of a special unit of the Public Security Forces, FUSEP; 
five, at the recommendation of a joint U.S./Honduran military seminar, 
this responsibility was transferred in early 1984 to a new unit (which 
came to be known as Battalion 316) under the supervision of the 
Military Intelligence Division of the Armed Forces General Staff; and 
six, the FUSEP special unit and Battalion 316 counter terrorist tactics 
included torture, rape and assassination against persons thought to be 
involved in support of the Salvadoran guerrillas or part of the 
Honduran leftist movement; seven, as many as 250 instances of human 
rights abuses in Honduras are officially documented, including 
disappearances, torture, extra judicial killings; and eight, at least 
one death

[[Page S9433]]

squad was known to have operated during 1980-84. This death squad was 
called ELACH, The Honduran Anti-Communist Liberation Army. There is 
information linking this death squad to chief of the National 
Intelligence Directorate of the Honduran Public Security Forces.
  When Ambassador Negroponte came before the committee in 1989 in the 
context of his nomination to the position of US Ambassador to Mexico, I 
asked him a number of questions related to his tenure in Honduras, two 
questions dealt with human rights. Given what we know about the extent 
and nature of Honduran human rights abuses, to say that Mr. Negroponte 
was less than forthcoming in his responses to my questions is being 
generous. I would ask that the my exchange with Ambassador Negroponte 
during that hearing in printed in the Record at this point.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                      Excerpt From Hearing Record

       Senator Dodd. That Battalion 316, I said ``alleged,'' but, 
     in fact, was that a death squad? Was that the name of a death 
     squad operating either within the Honduran military or with 
     their approval?
       Ambassador Negroponte. I do not recall knowing it as the 
     316th Battalion. In fact, some of what I am saying now may be 
     based on trying to reconstruct events after having discussed 
     this issue with individuals long after the fact, for example, 
     when Mr. LeMoyne wrote his story. But I recall it to have 
     been an intelligence unit.
       Again, I have never seen any convincing substantiation that 
     they were involved in death squad type activities.

  Mr. DODD. I know there will be those who say, that it isn't terribly 
important that the Honduran military committed human rights abuses more 
than fifteen years ago in some cases. Moreover, in relative terms those 
abuses in Honduras paled in comparison to what to else where in Central 
America. My response to that is that the Senate has a duty and 
responsibility to be a partner in the fashioning of U.S. foreign 
policy, and the only way it can be a full partner is if we in this body 
are kept fully informed. When it came to our ability to be full 
partners with respect to U.S. toward Honduras or elsewhere in Central 
America, I would tell you that we were unable to do that because we 
were flying blind.
  It gives me great pause as I ponder how to vote on this nomination to 
think that someone as intelligent and capable as Ambassador Negroponte 
would treat this committee and this body so cavalierly in his responses 
to my questions. I wonder who he thinks he works for?
  I was also troubled by Ambassador Negroponte's unwillingness to 
admit, that as a consequence of other U.S. policy priorities, the U.S. 
embassy, by acts of omissions ending up shading the truth about the 
extent and nature of ongoing human rights abuses in the 1980s. 
Moreover, in light of all the new information that I have just 
mentioned, I do not know how Ambassador Negroponte can continue to 
believe that it was simply ``deficiencies in the Honduran legal system 
coupled with insufficient professionalism of law enforcement 
authorities that ``led at times to abuses of authority by Honduran 
police officials.'' And, quoting his written answer to a committee 
question on this subject that, ``I did not believe then, nor do I 
believe now, that these abuses were part of a deliberate government 
policy.''
  The InterAmerican Court of Human Rights had no such reluctance in 
assigning blame to the Honduran government during its adjudication of a 
case brought against the Government of Honduras by the InterAmerican 
Commission on Human Rights in 1987. In deciding the case of Honduran 
citizen Velasquez Rodriquez the Court found that ``a practice of 
disappearances carried out or tolerated by Honduran officials existed 
between 1981-84.'' And, as I mentioned earlier, based upon an extensive 
review of U.S. intelligence information by the CIA Working Group in 
1996, the CIA is prepared to stipulate that ``during the 1980-84 
period, the Honduran military committed most of the hundreds of human 
rights abuses reported in Honduras. These abuses were often politically 
motivated and officially sanctioned.''
  Moreover, Mr. Negroponte should have been forewarned to look for 
signs of government sponsored human rights abuses in light of concerns 
that his predecessor Ambassador Jack Binns, a career foreign service 
officer, had raised with the State Department concerning the mind set 
of the architect of Honduras' domestic countersubversion program with 
respect to a willingness to extrajudicial means in the context of such 
programs. Ambassador Binns was speaking about General Gustavo Alvarez 
who became Commander in Chief of the Honduran Armed Forces in 1982, and 
who had been Commander of Honduran Public Security Forces, FUSEP, from 
1980-82.
  Based upon the Committee's review of State Department and CIA 
documents, it would seem that Ambassador Negroponte knew far more about 
government perpetuated human rights abuses than he chose to share with 
the committee in 1989 or in Embassy contributions at the time to annual 
State Department Human Rights reports. For example, a Negroponte cable 
summarizing meetings between Congressman Solarz and Honduran government 
officials in January 1985 makes note of a Honduran official's concerns 
about future human rights abuses due to ``fears that there might still 
be some ``secret operating cells'' left from the Alvarez era,'' here 
referring to General Alvarez who had headed the Honduran armed forces 
until he was removed in 1984 by his fellow officers.
  I don't quite know the difference between a ``death squad'' and 
``secret operating cells'', but since Ambassador Negroponte is 
officially on record as saying that no death squads existed in Honduras 
during his tenure, there must be some difference.
  There are also discrepancies with respect to when he became aware of 
certain cases where Honduran authorities were secretly detaining and 
torturing Hondurans suspected of subversion. And how he chose to report 
those cases to Washington. The case of dual national Ines Consuelo 
Murillo comes most readily to mind. Her detention and torture was 
described in detail on April 15, 1995 in the Baltimore Sun.
  These are but a few examples. There were others which taken together, 
paint a very mixed picture of whether the U.S. embassy was doing much 
to discourage Honduran government practices or how comprehensively it 
was collecting and reporting on such abuses. Having said that, there 
were no ``smoking guns'' in the documents that have been provided to 
the Committee.
  I know that this week is not just any week. I also know that the 
President is anxious to have an ambassador at the United Nations is a 
high priority, particularly in light of recent events. I will not stand 
in the way of the Senate moving forward with this nomination. I believe 
that yesterday's decision by the Committee on Foreign Relations to put 
on the public record all the additional declassified information that 
it has compiled in reviewing this nomination will contribute to the 
healing and reconciliation that is still ongoing in Honduras.
  Finally I would say a word of caution to other career foreign service 
officers, particularly junior officers, that they not consider this 
nominee's lack of candor before the committee as a model to be 
emulated. A United States Ambassador is a representative of the United 
States Government and ultimately works for the American people. That 
means that our ambassadors have an obligation to be truthful and 
forthcoming in relations with Congress as we are the people's 
representatives. If they are under instruction to withhold information 
as a matter of policy they should say so. Then, we can take it up with 
their superiors if we choose to do so. In my estimation, Mr. Negroponte 
did neither in his dealings with the Congress. I am deeply saddened to 
come to that judgement. Having said that Ambassador Negroponte has had 
a distinguished career and on balance has discharged his 
responsibilities ably and honorably. For that reason, I intend to give 
him the benefit of the doubt in light of how extremely polarized 
relations between the Congress and the Executive were over U.S. policy 
in Central America when he was serving as Ambassador in Honduras. I 
will therefore support his nomination to the position of the U.S. 
Permanent Representative to the United Nations. http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/2001_cr/s091401.html 
===================================================================
THE DEATH OF GARY WEBB = NOMINATION OF JOHN NEGROPONTE
Thu Feb 17, 2005 20:23

 
THE DEATH OF GARY WEBB
[Is the government sending us a message?]
Special Article
January 4, 2005
by: S.R. Shearer
http://www.antipasministries.com/ShearerCommentaries/Shearer010405.html

"Tyranny inspires awe and terror precisely because it ALLIES ITSELF WITH DEATH. The spectacle of the scaffold and its terror are its distinguishing marks. Knowing that the tyrant does not shrink from atrocities strikes fear into the hears of his subjects."

- Foucault
INTRODUCTION

On December 10, 2004 former investigative reporter for the San Jose Mercury News Gary Webb - who had been on the CIA's "black list" ever since he broke the story of the agency's VILE involvement in flooding the poor black neighborhoods of L.A. with cocaine in the early 1980s - was found dead in his Sacramento area home, an apparent suicide according to the coroner. There was a gunshot wound through his head. No! - make that TWO (possibly three) gunshot wounds, apparently from his father's old .38 caliber revolver. [Please see our articles, "The Drug Epidemic, Viruses, Ebola, and AIDS" and "Material Developed by Gary Webb on the Importation of Drugs into the Neighborhoods of the Poor" for a "run-down" or synopsis on Webb's article, "Dark Alliance;" please also see our story as to why the elites (and the CIA) targeted the poor black neighborhoods of the country in this fashion, "The Utility of Police Brutality in the Elite's War Against the Poor;" finally, we urge you to read our article on the CIA's obscene involvement in the drug trade entitled, "A Short History of the CIA's Involvement in the Drug Trade."]

AMAZING! Absolutely AMAZING - two (or three) gun shot wounds in Webb's head? A suicide? Wow! - what did Webb do? Put a second (and possibly a third) round through his head after he was dead from the first one, just to make sure that he was - in fact - dead? That's what the Sacramento County Coroner's Office and the Sacramento Bee Newspaper - in addition to Michael Ruppert - think. For example, Ruppert writes:

"Gary's suicide was accomplished with two gunshot wounds to the head. In death Gary proved to be as determined and single-minded as he had been in life ... Here are the facts: Gary Webb fired two shots from a .38 caliber revolver into his own head. (A suicide) ... open and shut." [Some kind of "determination!" some kind of "single-mindedness!" - Antipas editor.]

Ruppert - after describing a .38 caliber revolver as a "relatively weak handgun" (which it is NOT, as anyone who has ever had any experience with one should know) - goes on to elaborate (really "pontificate") on the "ins and outs" of suicides, citing his experience as a former L.A. cop. His explanation is that the first shot (which entered Webb's head just behind and above his right ear) missed the brain, and blew out Webb's lower left jaw and the left side of his face. Ruppert then says that Webb still had the "presence of mind" - after half his face had been blown away - to shoot himself a second time through the brain, killing himself (Ruppert leaves unexplained how he might have gotten off the third round).

But come on now, Ruppert's tortured explanation as to what happened is - on the face of it - nonsensical. The angle is too extreme! Go ahead, try it yourself; get a ruler, measure out 8 to 12 inches (to allow for the length of the revolver, put the "gun" (so to speak) above and behind your right ear, and at an angle that would allow the shot to pass through your lower left jaw, and then ask yourself, is that really possible? Surely Webb, again, whom Ruppert describes as a "determined and single-minded person" bent on suicide, would have known that that difficult-to-achieve and extremely contorted shot would not kill him - although the shock of the round would most likely have rendered him senseless.

There are alternative explanations, of course. One of them is that the second (and possibly the third) round can be accounted for as a "reflexive response." But that explanation would make sense only to someone who has never fired a .38, as I did on many occasions when I was attached to the 515th Counter Intelligence Group out of San Francisco in the early 1970s. The fact is, the trigger on a .38 is NOT that easy to pull back on (especially a trigger on an older .38), and since each discharged round requires a separate and distinct pull on the trigger, one is left perplexed as to how Webb might have gotten off his second (and possibly his third) round as a "reflexive response." And more than that, the recoil from the first shot would have knocked the barrel of the gun up and away from Webb's head; there would have been no second (or third) head wound; a shot into the ceiling of the house - maybe; possibly another one into the wall, but nothing more.

The fact is, none of the explanations offered by the Sacramento County Coroner's Office, the Sacramento Bee, or Michael Ruppert makes any sense. The most reasonable explanation - though the one no one wants to admit it - is that Webb was assassinated by someone standing over and behind him.

But Ruppert (and the Bee as well as the coroner) will have none of that, and to bolster his rather farcical story, Ruppert attacks the reporting of Alex Jones and John Hankey, both of whom claim that Webb was "hit" by the CIA. Ruppert writes:

"Jones has a large syndicated ... radio show for which he claims a listening audience of millions ... Jones conducted separate radio interviews with a former 'business partner' of convicted drug dealer Ricky Ross and a second guest, retired DEA Agent, Celerino Castillo. Later Jones injected second-hand source comments from an alleged documentary film maker which were attributed to Ross. ROSS' LIFE AND HIS SELLING OF LITERALLY TONS OF COCAINE IN LOS ANGELES HAD BEEN WEBB'S ENTREE INTO THE DARK WORLD OF COVERT OPERATIONS. Castillo apparently had no idea his remarks were being aired in context with these statements ... made by a drug dealer (i.e., Ricky Ross) ... Since no other sources are named - no family, no colleagues, no one who had spoken to Webb personally - then Jones' 'credible' sources who are two of the largest drug dealers in West Coast history, one of whom (Ross) has spent almost two decades in prison ... HEY ALEX, DRUG DEALERS LIE!"

Rupert continues, quoting Alex Jones:

"Credible sources who were close to Gary Webb have stated that he was receiving death threats, being regularly followed, and that he was concerned about strange individuals who were seen on multiple occasions breaking into and leaving his house before his suicide ...

"Ricky Ross, one of Gary Webb's primary sources ... had spoken to Gary in the days before his death. Gary told Ricky that he had seen men scaling down the pipes outside his home and that they were obviously not burglars, but 'government people'. Gary also told Ricky that he had been receiving death threats and was being regularly followed. It was also mentioned that Gary was working on a new story concerning the CIA and drug trafficking."

However, Ruppert discounts all this; he claims that nothing that Ricky Ross says can be relied upon. But that's strange - it was Ross who essentially gave Webb entree (as Ruppert puts it) into what was going on in Los Angeles regarding the CIA's involvement in the drug trade there, and it was precisely this story that Ruppert rode to fame - essentially piggy-backing off Webb to do so. How is it that Ross is credible insofar as what he had to say to Webb about the CIA's involvement with the drug trade in L.A. (which was later certified to be true by the CIA's own Inspector General), and not credible when he gives evidence as to what Webb had to say about a CIA "contract" that had been put out on him? Ruppert can't have it both ways.

Ruppert is nothing more than a silly ass who has been trying to parlay his experience as a DUMB L.A. cop into a writing career. He implies that he has experience in "covert intelligence operations" - but, in fact, he has none. He was just a DUMB cop. Nothing more! Moreover, Ruppert is a follower of George Soros, which should give anyone pause as to Ruppert's credibility.

Ruppert slavishly repeats Soros's ridiculous world-view everywhere he goes; indeed, it wouldn't be "too much" to describe Ruppert as a "MOUTHPIECE" for Soros. As for Soros, he is a man who plays both sides against the middle, a person who has over the years taken untold amounts of money from the CIA, and who pushes incessantly for the legalization of hard drugs all over the world. Anything that Soros says should be discounted as nothing more than CIA "disinformation."

Soros's operations - which include the Center of American Progress (a think tank for elite Democrats modeled on the Heritage Foundation); Americans Coming Together (a voter mobilization funding mechanism); and Moveon.com (an Internet gathering place for pseudo-radicals) - are, like the Democratic Leadership Council which spawned them, a clever means to "cut out" real radicals from the market place of ideas.

Soros has been using his ill-gotten billions to cast himself as the "savior of the Western World," claiming to be in a fight to stop the expansion of George Bush's American New World Order System; but what he has really been doing is buying up the Democratic Party and turning it into a toothless tool of the "Billionaires Club" which postures as an "anti-Empire" party, but which in reality is nothing more than a mechanism designed to render impotent those radicals who truly oppose the Empire by denying them any institutional support for their activities. And it's not just that: The fact is, Soros shares an intimacy with many proponents of the American New World Order System which is simply inexplicable given his ostensible opposition to George Bush. For example, take Soros's close friendship with George Schultz, who - as the "godfather" of Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle and the one who did so much to launch Bush's bid for the presidency in 1999 - should be at the very forefront of Soros's "enemies list." Very strange. Very strange, indeed. [Please see our article, "George Bush, the Promise Keepers, and the Principles of Messianic Leadership."]

One cannot help but wonder what kind of a "game" Soros is up to, and why - whenever Bush "the younger" gets into financial trouble - there's Soros to "bail" him out the way he did when he rescued Bush's failing Spectrum 7 oil firm in 1985. No! - there's more to Soros than meets the eye, and - as a result - there is probably a lot more to Ruppert's opposition to the idea that Webb was "hit" by the CIA. As I have said so many times before, in today's America, up is down, black is white, and right is left. As for me, I wouldn't believe a thing that Ruppert has to say, if only because of his seeming devotion to the ideas that Soros is propagating throughout the world.

Nonetheless, what I say doesn't amount to much in the elite world that is pushing the story that Webb committed suicide. But still, the suicide theory is such a farce! - and it gives one an idea of just how stupid the elites think ordinary people are: Clods that - as Edward Bernays puts it - must be "MANIPULATED" by lies. The fact is, the story of Webb's suicide as concocted by the Sacramento Coroner's Office, the Sacramento Bee and Michael Ruppert is such an apparent sham that one would feel that on the face of it, it must be rejected. Notwithstanding, in a statement released to the press, the coroner has pressed exactly this ABSURDITY on the public, asking them to suspend "common sense" and believe that it's possible for a dead man to kill himself twice over. The coroner says:

"The cause of death was determined to be self-inflicted gunshot woundS to the head ... The investigation is continuing and will take an estimated additional six to eight weeks to complete."

I'll bet the so-called "investigation" is going to continue! - it's going to take at least that long for the government to get all its "ducks in a row," and get everyone's story to "line up."

Still, there are protesters (and not just Jones and Hankey); in fact, the Bee says it has received what it describes as a "... barrage of (outraged) calls." However, the Bee is sticking to its story and dismissing the callers as a bunch of "kooks" and "conspiracy nuts" - but, then, that's "standing operating procedure" for the government and its toady press in today's world - an attempt to shame people into silence insofar as the obvious is concerned!

The coroner claims that a hand-written note by Webb was found at the scene "indicating" an "intention" to take his life - although we are left clueless as to what the coroner means by the words "indicating" and "intention." These are, of course, favorite government "fudge" words.

Some who don't know that much about how either the CIA or the FBI work might protest that Webb's murder couldn't possibly have been a "government job" because it was too messy, too untidy. But these kinds of "hits" are meant to be slipshod and somewhat cluttered (as it were). The elites are sending a message to those who would dare follow Webb and people like him down the dark, ill-lit corridor of the country's secrets to peek through that mysterious door at the end of the hallway. The message is, Beware of what you see - the same thing that happened to Webb can happen to you. If the "suicide" story is airtight, the message could not be sent; there has to be enough doubt for the message to get through to those who are intended to hear it.

Foucault was right! - "Tyranny inspires awe and terror precisely because it ALLIES ITSELF WITH DEATH." The fear of a midnight knock on the door, the disappearance of a friend or a co-worker who had challenged the government, an unexplained death that one thinks might be an assassination, but can't prove it - all this strikes TERROR and HORROR into people. The very real fact of the matter is, "Knowing that the ... (government) does not shrink from atrocities strikes FEAR into the hearts of the people." [Please see our article for a description of just how the CIA operates when it thinks no one is looking, "The Horror of John Dimitri Negroponte and Everything He Represents."]

That's where we are today insofar as the American government is concerned. The elites are conveying a message; maybe the public doesn't "get it" (largely because they choose to ignore it), but those who oppose the government understand perfectly the message that is being conveyed, AND THAT'S ALL THAT COUNTS insofar as the elites are concerned!

Believe me when I tell you that there are going to be an increasing number of other such "messages" being sent in the coming years. Then we will see how many Christians are out in the streets protesting what's happening, and calling a spade a spade - after all, bravery is attributed to DOERS of the Word, not HEARERS only. That's what the Bible says:

"... be ye doers of the word, and not hearers only, DECEIVING YOUR OWN SELVES." (James 1:22)

So far I don't see many Christian "doers" in Babylon who are out in the streets protesting what the elites are up to and picketing churches that have linked themselves up with the American New World Order System. My detractors say they're there, but I don't see them - and my critics are certainly not out "in the streets of that Great City" protesting themselves. So far, there is only silence; and if there is any activity at all, it's the kind of "activity" that can be engaged in behind the relative anonymity of a computer screen.

The only real protests that I can detect are coming from left-wing secularists at the anti-globalist demonstrations that most Christians I know wouldn't be caught "dead" at. Some kind of bravery! Some kind of courage! What phonies my critics are! What a farce they are engaged in! Well did Jesus say of them -

"... they be blind leaders of the blind. And if the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch." (Matt. 15:14)

More next time!

Until then, God bless you,

S.R. Shearer,
Antipas Ministries

=============================================

John Negroponte: A Tradition of Deceit
Thu Feb 17, 2005 14:12
 
John Negroponte: A Tradition of Deceit
http://www.mayispeakfreely.org/index.php?gSec=doc&doc_id=10

On Sept. 14, 2001, just three days after the terrorist attacks on the United States, the U.S. Senate quickly confirmed John D. Negroponte as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. Anxious to fill this important post in a time of international crisis, senators approved the nomination despite concerns about Negroponte’s human rights record during his term as ambassador to Honduras from 1981 to 1985. An increasing body of evidence supports allegations that Negroponte condoned or covered up egregious human rights violations committed by Honduran security forces.

On May 7, 2004, a sense of urgency again took hold of the Senate when it confirmed Negroponte to the post of U.S. ambassador to Iraq, just 17 days after President Bush announced the nomination. Although it was undeniably important to have an embassy team in place well in advance of the June 30 handover of power to an Iraqi governing body, the Senate neglected to reexamine the questionable human rights record of the man they approved to oversee Iraq’s transition to democracy.

During Negroponte’s tenure in Honduras, the United States was using the country as a base of operations for the Contra war in Nicaragua and the larger war against Communism in Central America. In the name of “national security,” Honduran security forces — including members of the CIA-trained military intelligence Battalion 3-16 — were committing serious human rights abuses against civilians who were supposed subversives. These violations of international law included kidnapping, torture and murder.

The Honduran press published hundreds of stories of illegal detentions and abductions, Honduran citizens and human rights groups sought help from the justice system to locate missing persons, and families of the disappeared and at least one Honduran politician made direct requests for Negroponte's assistance. Nevertheless, the ambassador consistently denied — both to Congress and in the international press — that officially sanctioned abuses were taking place.

The failure to report these violations undermined one of the embassy’s critical obligations: to inform Congress of events that might bear on foreign aid and policy decision making. Federal law requires the State Department to provide annual reports to Congress on human rights practices in countries receiving U.S. foreign assistance, and the State Department relies on U.S. embassies to provide the bulk of the information for these reports. Yet Negroponte and other high-level embassy officials reportedly encouraged their underlings to refrain from reporting on rights abuses.

Rick Chidester, a junior embassy official in Honduras, told The Baltimore Sun that he was directed by his superiors to omit from his 1982 human rights report information he had gathered on military abductions and torture. (He later said the Sun had misquoted him.) The resulting sanitized State Department report contains inaccurate statements such as: "Student, worker, peasant and other interest groups have full freedom to organize and hold frequent public demonstrations without interference. ... Trade unions are not hindered by the government." In fact, it was these groups that had been targeted as so-called subversives and were suffering the brunt of abuses.

A declassified 1997 CIA inspector general’s report gives further evidence of efforts within the embassy to suppress information. In reference to the case of the Rev. James Carney, the report cites one source, whose name is blacked out, as explaining that there was “no further reporting on the prisoner executions [because] the event had been reported previously and there was concern on the part of Negroponte that over-emphasis would create an unwarranted human rights problem for Honduras.” According to the same report, Negroponte’s “concerns” were enough to prompt the suspension of further investigations into the executions.

Because the Foreign Assistance Act prohibits military aid to any government that "engages in a consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights,” these omissions influenced determinations of U.S. policy and assistance levels. The absence of information on disappearances and torture in the 1982 and later human rights reports cleared the way for increases in military aid, which shot up astronomically — from $4 million to $77 million — during Negroponte's ambassadorship. That increase in funding was vital to the U.S. effort to support the Contras and overthrow the Sandinsta government of Nicaragua.

President Bush announced his intention to nominate Negroponte to the U.N. post in March 2001 and formally submitted his name for consideration in May. Subsequent to Negroponte’s previous appearance before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, for the review of his nomination as ambassador to the Philippines in 1993, substantial information regarding the U.S. policy and role in Honduras in the 1980s was released into the public record. In 1995 The Baltimore Sun published a series of articles about human rights abuses committed by the Honduran military with the knowledge of the U.S. government, and this prompted the CIA to conduct an internal review of its activities during that period.

In light of these and other reports, which raised questions about Negroponte’s role in Honduras, Democratic members of the Senate committee sought further government information before considering his U.N. nomination. Because of delays in obtaining requested information from the executive branch and the CIA, the nomination hearing was postponed until September. Senators also reviewed documents from the State and Defense departments.

During the nomination hearing, which took place on Sept. 13, Senators of the Foreign Relations Committee asked Negroponte if the embassy failed to fully report the human rights violations that were taking place or provided “misleading reporting.” Negroponte replied that hard information was hard to come by and that he had “no large-scale reporting and evidence and information to the extent of these — of such violations as might have occurred.” He defended his claim, made in a 1982 letter to the Economist magazine, that “it is simply untrue to state that death squads have made their appearance in Honduras” and reasserted, “I didn’t see any such activities.” He also challenged the veracity of some of the sources cited in CIA reports that were used as evidence that he suppressed or misreported information on human rights abuses.

In contrast, Negroponte’s predecessor in Honduras, Jack R. Binns, was well aware that state-sponsored abuses were taking place and reported his concerns to Washington. In June 1981, Binns sent a cable to Washington stating, “I am deeply concerned at increasing evidence of officially sponsored/sanctioned assassinations of political and criminal targets, which clearly indicate GOH [government of Honduras] repression has built up a head of steam much faster than we had anticipated.” A briefing book that the embassy staff prepared for Negroponte prior to his arrival in November 1981 stated that the “GOH security forces have begun to resort to extralegal tactics — disappearances and, apparently, physical eliminations — to control a perceived subversive threat.”

These reports surely warranted the attention of the new ambassador. Furthermore, during Negroponte’s first full year in office, Honduran newspapers published over 300 stories on military abuses, and in August 1982 ousted Honduran intelligence chief Leonidas Torres Arias held a press conference in Mexico claiming there was an active “death squad” headed by Gen. Gustavo Alvarez Martínez, a man with whom Negroponte was in regular, close contact.

At the 2001 Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, the late Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minn.), who along with Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.) and Russell Feingold (D-Wis.) voted against the ambassador’s nomination, pressed the ambassador on his silence in the face of evidence of serious rights violations. “I just can't understand why you were not more outspoken, why you were not more public, and, even today, why you seem unwilling to acknowledge the fact that, indeed, the state was involved,” Wellstone said. “It was widespread. People were murdered."

Negroponte responded by citing a 1983 op-ed article he wrote for the Los Angeles Times and speeches he gave during that period as proof that he did speak out on the issue. Yet his op-ed piece merely refers to human rights as a "soft spot in Honduras' otherwise positive political record," and asserts that “there is no indication that the infrequent human-rights violations that do occur are part of deliberate government policy.” Negroponte also claimed he “did a lot in the area of quiet diplomacy.” He said he expressed concern over rights abuses to Honduran government officials, including the president and military commanders, and urged them to correct what he described as “deficiencies” in the country’s law-enforcement system.

The ambassador also downplayed meetings he held with leaders of the Nicaraguan Contras in the 1980s after Congress had passed the Boland Amendment, which banned aid to the Contras. He claimed that he met only with "civilian" leaders of this paramilitary group "to show interest in their situation." Negroponte also held several meetings with Oliver North, the National Security Agency official at the center of the secret deals to provide funding to the Contras through the illegal sale of arms to Iran.

Three weeks before President Bush announced his intention to nominate Negroponte as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, the State Department revoked the visa of former Battalion 3-16 commander Luis Alonso Discua Elvir . Discua had been living in the United States since 1996, officially serving as Honduras’ deputy representative to the United Nations. However, he had not been fulfilling the duties of his post, thereby violating the terms of his diplomatic visa. Some State Department officials marveled at the unprecedented speed of Discua’s removal, leading some observers to believe that the timing of his forced departure was not coincidental. /Two other former Battalion 3-16 members, José Barrera Martínez and Juan Angel Hernández Lara, were deported from Canada and the United States, respectively, earlier in the year.

In contrast to the Senate hearings for Negroponte’s confirmation as U.N. ambassador, senators voting on his nomination to the Iraq post raised few questions about his record in Honduras. Many senators expressed approval of his service in the U.N. position and a desire to not rehash past issues. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee voted unanimously to approve the nomination, and when it moved to the full Senate, it was passed on a voice vote rather than given full debate on the Senate floor. Only three senators — Mark Dayton (D-Minn.), Richard Durbin (D.-Ill.), and Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) — voted against confirming the nomination. Sen. Harkin alone spoke out against Negroponte’s confirmation, citing his “callous disregard for human rights abuses through his tenure as U.S. ambassador to Honduras.”

Negroponte was the senior President Bush’s ambassador to Mexico from 1989 to 1993, where he was involved in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) negotiations. His confirmation to that post, coming on the heels of the Oliver North trial, stalled when some senators questioned his role in the Iran-Contra affair. However, by the end of his tenure in Mexico, he had received considerable praise for his work from Democrats and Republicans alike.



In 1993 the Senate unanimously confirmed his nomination by President Clinton to fill the post of ambassador to the Philippines. It was during his tenure in the Philippines that questions regarding his human rights record in Honduras came to light; he initially refused comment to the press but later defended his actions. In 1997, he reportedly was in line for appointment as ambassador to Greece, but retired from diplomatic service to take a job in the private sector with the McGraw-Hill Companies. The Greece ambassador appointment process would have required a Senate hearing that undoubtedly would have delved into his past in Honduras.

A U.S. foreign service officer since 1960, Negroponte also acted as liaison officer for the Vietnam peace talks (1968-1969), assistant to Henry Kissinger and chief of the Vietnam office of the National Security Council staff (1970-1973), counselor for political affairs in Ecuador (1973-1974), consul general to Greece (1975-1977), assistant secretary of state for oceans and fisheries affairs (1977-1979); deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs (1980-1981), assistant secretary of state for oceans and international environmental and scientific affairs (1985-1987), and deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs (1987-1989). In the late 1990s he helped negotiate the controversial U.S. military exit from Panama.

Critics say Negroponte is the wrong person for the job in Iraq. He doesn’t speak Arabic and or have a background in Middle East or Islamic countries, but he does have a history of turning a blind eye to allegations of serious human rights abuses. And in light of the Iraq prison abuse scandal, many are concerned about the message the Bush administration is sending — to enemies and allies alike — by installing Negroponte in this position, where he will oversee one of the largest U.S. embassies and possibly the largest CIA station in the world. If U.S.-sanctioned abuses in Iraq continue, will Negroponte attempt to suppress that information for fear of creating “an unwarranted human rights problem,” as he did in Honduras?

During the recent nomination hearing, Sen. Harkin said: “We need someone in Iraq who has a sterling record, an unassailable record in terms of his or her support for fundamental human rights and for the rule of law, someone who has no blot on their career record of having been involved in the kind of abuses that have come to light recently in Iraq under our military jurisdiction. After the terrible revelations of the abuses under our watch at the prison at Abu Ghraib … I believe nominating Ambassador Negroponte to this vital post would send entirely the wrong message.”

For more information

Letter to the Editor. John Negroponte. The Economist, 1982.

“An Exquisite Danger; John Negroponte's Record in Honduras Does not Inspire Confidence About His Appointment as US Ambassador to Iraq.” Duncan Campbell. The Guardian/UK; June 2, 2004.

"The Full Negroponte; From top to bottom, John Negroponte is the wrong ambassador to Iraq." Matthew Yglesias. The American Prospect Online; Apr 18, 2004.

“Congress Ignores 'Dirty War' Past of New Iraq Envoy.” Jim Lobe. Inter Press Service; April 30, 2004.

“Contra Aide.” Sarah Wildman. The New Republic; March 8, 2001.

“A carefully crafted deception.” The Baltimore Sun; June 18, 1995.

“Former envoy to Honduras says he did what he could.” The Baltimore Sun; December 15, 1995.

”Bush’s UN Pick Faces Battle Over Contra Role.” Los Angeles Times; March 25, 2001.

”Bush Nominates ‘Dirty Tricks’ Diplomat to UN.” San Antonio Current; April 17, 2001.

“What Did Negroponte Hide and When Did He Hide It?” Los Angeles Times; April 19, 2001.

“Negroponte Takes Up Post as Chief U.S. Envoy at U.N.” Washington File, United Nations; Sept. 19, 2001.

“Honduras: Former Battalion 3-16 members conveniently removed from scene.” Central America/Mexico Report; April 2001.

“New ripples in an evil story.” Laeitia Bordes; July 2001. (Commentary on Negroponte’s U.N. ambassadorship nomination by a nun who attempted to seek information on disappearances from Negroponte in 1982.)

"Update: The Panama Canal Base Negotiations." Adam Isacson and Susan Peacock. From Center for International Policy. Oct. 30, 1996.

The United States in Honduras, 1980-1981: An Ambassador’s Memoir.” Jack R. Binns. McFarland & Co., 2000.

http://www.mayispeakfreely.org/index.php?gSec=doc&doc_id=10

================================================

Iran-Contra gangsters resurface in Bush administration
Thu Feb 17, 2005 14:22
 
Iran-Contra gangsters resurface in Bush administration
By Patrick Martin
1 August 2001
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/aug2001/cont-a01.shtml

The Bush administration appealed to Senate Democrats July 27 to move ahead with the confirmation of two top-level diplomatic nominees whose appointments have been delayed because of their role in defending right-wing dictatorships and death squads in Central America.

Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joseph Biden (D-Del) said through a spokesman that a hearing for John Negroponte, nominated for US ambassador to the United Nations, would be held as early as next week. No hearing has yet been set for Otto Reich, nominated for assistant secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs.

Negroponte and Reich are two of the three Bush administration appointees with direct operational roles in the Central American counterinsurgency campaigns of the 1980s. The third is Elliott Abrams, named as director of the office for democracy, human rights and international operations at the National Security Council, a White House position which is not subject to Senate confirmation. Abrams was convicted of lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra affair, but was later pardoned by Bush’s father in 1992.

Negroponte was US ambassador to Honduras during the years when the right-wing Nicaraguan Contra forces were based in southern Honduras, just across the border from Nicaragua, supplied and armed illegally by the Reagan administration. Abrams was assistant secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs during that period and worked closely with Oliver North in organizing the illegal arms supplies to the Contras. Reich headed the Office of Public Diplomacy, a State Department agency which illegally funded pro-Contra propaganda both in the US and internationally.

The convicted liar

The selection of Abrams is the most provocative appointment by Bush since his nomination of John Ashcroft as attorney general. Appearing frequently at press forums and congressional committee hearings in the 1980s, Abrams was one of the most belligerent defenders of Reagan’s policy of arming the Contra fascists, who waged terrorist assaults on the Nicaraguan population for nearly a decade, killing an estimated 10,000 people.

As Washington Post columnist Mary McGrory recalled, “Members of Congress remember Abrams’s snarling appearances at committee hearings, defending death squads and dictators, denying massacres, lying about illegal US activities in support of the Nicaraguan contras. Abrams sneered at his critics for their blindness and naiveté, or called them ‘vipers’.”

Abrams was not merely a mouthpiece or apologist, but an active collaborator in illegal actions which led to thousands of deaths and widespread devastation. He was a regular participant in meetings of CIA, National Security Council and State Department officials who planned the arming of the Contras. When Congress adopted two successive versions of the Boland amendment prohibiting such arms supplies, the operation continued in defiance of the law, at Reagan’s direction, with Lt. Col. Oliver North, an NSC official, taking charge.

As the top Reagan foreign policy official for Latin America, Abrams repeatedly testified before Congress under oath that the government was complying with the Boland amendment and that only “humanitarian” aid was being supplied to the Contras. Given his operational role, Abrams was neither misled by other officials nor lying to protect others. Like Oliver North, he was lying to Congress about illegal activities in which he was a direct personal participant.

After four years of public vituperation against the investigation of the Iran-Contra affair, Abrams was finally run to earth in 1991, pleading guilty to two misdemeanor counts of lying to Congress under oath, in order to avoid felony charges. White House spokesman Ari Fleischer called Abrams “an outstanding diplomat” and said the president considered his legal troubles “a matter of the past.”

It is a measure of the cynicism of the Bush administration and congressional Republicans that Abrams could be appointed to a high position with his record. They were willing to impeach Clinton as president for lying under oath about Monica Lewinsky, but no such standard applies to lies about an illegal US war which killed thousands of innocent people. Abrams, a collaborator with death squads, is now to be put in a high position with responsibility for addressing human rights issues!

The anti-Castro fanatic

Negroponte and Reich are equally odious figures, although less well known to the public because they did not become Iran-Contra defendants. Otto Reich, who left Cuba in 1960 at the age of 15, is a favorite of the fascistic anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Miami. His appointment was sponsored by the two Cuban-American congressmen from Miami, and by Senator Jesse Helms, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations at the time Reich was nominated.

The joint House-Senate select committee on Iran-Contra found that Reich’s unit of the State Department had engaged in “prohibited, covert propaganda” on behalf of the Contras and violated restrictions on State Department appropriations, but in keeping with the overall whitewash of the illegal activity, did not charge Reich himself with any specific offense. The agency was abolished and Reich was shipped out of Washington to a three-year stint as US ambassador to Venezuela, to avoid any further involvement in the scandal.

For the last decade he has worked as a Washington lobbyist for anti-Castro interests, including the US-Cuba Business Council and the US government-funded Center for a Free Cuba. He has also represented the liquor producer Bacardi & Co., whose Cuban distillery was nationalized by the Castro government. Bacardi has a long-running legal dispute with Cuba and the French firm Pernod-Ricard over rights to use the Havana Club rum trademark.

Reich’s appointment marks, as one commentator put it, the “Cubanization” of US policy in Latin America, as all political issues in the hemisphere will be focused through the prism of obsessive hatred of Fidel Castro. Reich is an adamant opponent of any relaxation of the US trade sanctions with Cuba. He even denounced the baseball game between the Baltimore Orioles and the Cuban national team, comparing it to “playing soccer in Auschwitz.”

During his diplomatic posting in Venezuela he engineered the release from a Venezuelan prison of Orlando Bosch, the Cuban-American terrorist jailed there for plotting the 1976 bombing which destroyed a Cubana airlines passenger jet in flight, killing everyone on board. President George H.W. Bush subsequently granted a full pardon to Bosch.

Among Reich’s other lobbying clients are the British-American Tobacco company and Lockheed Martin Corporation, which he assisted in the successful attempt to sell F-16 fighter jets to Chile, breaking a 20-year US policy of not selling high-tech weapons to Latin American countries.

The career criminal

The most important of the three appointments is that of Negroponte to the UN. Negroponte spent his entire working life in the service of American imperialism, participating in many of the bloodiest crimes of the post-World War II, including nine years as a State Department official during the Vietnam War and five years in Central America.

Much of his career itinerary reads like a dossier for some future war crimes tribunal:

* 1964-68, political affairs officer at the US Embassy in Saigon;

* 1969-71, aide to Henry Kissinger in the Paris negotiations with the Vietnamese;

* 1971-73, officer-in-charge for Vietnam in the National Security Council, under Kissinger;

* 1973-75, assigned to the US Embassy in Ecuador (he reportedly quit Kissinger’s staff, opposing the Paris settlement as too favorable to the Vietnamese);

* 1980-81, deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asia and Pacific affairs;

* 1981-85, ambassador to Honduras;

* 1987-1989, deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, reporting to Colin Powell;

* 1989-93, ambassador to Mexico;

* 1993-97, ambassador to the Philippines.

After retiring from the diplomatic corps, he took a well-paid position as vice president for global markets at McGraw-Hill, the big publishing company.

Negroponte’s role is best documented for his term as ambassador to Honduras, a country dominated by US corporations and completely dependent on the US government politically and militarily. The US ambassador in Tegucigalpa is the de facto pro-consul who makes or breaks presidents and generals. At Negroponte’s direction the Honduran military provided protection and assistance to the Contra terrorists. With his tacit permission, if not active encouragement, the Honduran military carried out systematic murders of refugees from war-torn El Salvador and among its domestic opponents in Honduras itself.

During Negroponte’s tenure, US military aid to Honduras grew from $4 million to $77.4 million. Maintaining this aid required the US Embassy to regularly certify that Honduras was in compliance with human rights requirements set down in American laws. Although Jack Binns, who preceded Negroponte as ambassador, had warned about the repressive measures undertaken by the military-controlled regime, Negroponte consistently denied the existence of death squads, political prisoners or politically motivated killings by the Honduran Armed Forces.

He worked closely with General Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, chief of the Armed Forces in Honduras, to send Honduran soldiers to the US-run School of the Americas, where they were trained in psychological warfare, sabotage and many types of human rights violations, including torture and kidnapping. In 1983 the US government awarded the Legion of Merit to General Alvarez.

A CIA-run death squad

The American CIA created the infamous Battalion 3-16 to carry out the murder of Honduran political opponents of the Contra war against Nicaragua. General Luis Alonso Discua Elvir, a graduate of the School of the Americas, was the founder and commander of Battalion 3-16. According to a detailed investigation in 1995 by the Baltimore Sun, Battalion 3-16 kidnapped, tortured and killed hundreds of Hondurans. The unit used “shock and suffocation devices in interrogations. Prisoners often were kept naked and, when no longer useful, killed and buried in unmarked graves.”

The Baltimore Sun reporters found that in 1982 alone, during Negroponte’s first full year as ambassador, the Honduran press carried at least 318 stories of extrajudicial attacks by the military. The US embassy, however, certified the country’s record on human rights in such glowing terms that aides to Negroponte joked that they were writing about Norway, not Honduras. Rick Chidester, a former aide, revealed to the Sun that his supervisors had ordered him to remove allegations of torture and executions from his draft of the 1982 human rights report. When one Honduran legislator complained about the US refusal to denounce the repression, Negroponte told him, “You and others, what you are proposing is to let communism take over this country.”

Significantly, several members of Battalion 3-16, long resident in the United States, were suddenly and swiftly deported after Negroponte’s nomination was announced. In February the State Department revoked the visa of General Discua, the founder of Battalion 3-16, who had been deputy ambassador to the UN for Honduras and stayed on in the US after his term expired. Discua responded by publicly confirming the US sponsorship of his death squad operation.

A CIA-trained torturer, Juan Angel Hernández Lara, is in court in Florida facing a term of up to two years in prison for reentering the US illegally after being deported. He would be deported again after serving the sentence. The Honduran exile has sought political asylum, arguing that it would be dangerous for him to return to Honduras because his role as an interrogator in the US-sponsored death squads has become known, and relatives of the victims might take revenge. A US District Judge in Florida, Wilkie Ferguson, ruled in May that evidence about Hernández Lara’s role in Battalion 3-16 would not be admissible.

Despite the massive evidence of Negroponte’s grisly history, the nomination has considerable support from Democrats as well as Republicans. Clinton’s last UN Ambassador, Richard Holbrooke, praised Negroponte, calling his nomination “terrific ... good for the UN, good for the foreign service, and I believe it will be good for the United States.” Holbrooke was Negroponte’s roommate in Vietnam and a coworker on Kissinger’s National Security Council.

Holbrooke pointed out that Negroponte has already been confirmed several times by Democratic-controlled congresses, in 1989 and 1993, despite opposition sparked by his record in Vietnam and Central America. “He’s gotten through before in a more liberal Congress, so I don’t see why he’d have trouble now,” the Clinton administration official said, adding, “We need a professional on the job. If professional diplomats are penalized for carrying out the instructions of their government, then we’re all in trouble.”

The selection of this trio of anticommunist gangsters shows the real face of American “professional diplomats,” especially in Latin America. It is an ominous warning that the methods of the 1980s—death squads, subversion, terrorism—are being revived again by the Bush administration to deal with the mounting political instability in Colombia, in Ecuador, in Argentina and throughout that region, as well as internationally.

See Also:
The Bush cabinet: a government of the financial oligarchy
[16 May 2001]
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/aug2001/cont-a01.shtml
====================

GARY WEBB IS ROLLING OVER IN HIS GRAVE!

... Contra, and with the expose by Gary Webb of the ... of a number of critical events -
Iran-Contra, 9/11 ... old friend?" Or is he like John Negroponte, "uniquely suited ...
MORE:>>


Rupert continues, quoting Alex Jones:

"Credible sources who were close to Gary Webb have stated that he was receiving death threats, being regularly followed, and that he was concerned about strange individuals who were seen on multiple occasions breaking into and leaving his house before his suicide ...

"Ricky Ross, one of Gary Webb's primary sources ... had spoken to Gary in the days before his death. Gary told Ricky that he had seen men scaling down the pipes outside his home and that they were obviously not burglars, but 'government people'. Gary also told Ricky that he had been receiving death threats and was being regularly followed. It was also mentioned that Gary was working on a new story concerning the CIA and drug trafficking."

However, Ruppert discounts all this; he claims that nothing that Ricky Ross says can be relied upon. But that's strange - it was Ross who essentially gave Webb entree (as Ruppert puts it) into what was going on in Los Angeles regarding the CIA's involvement in the drug trade there, and it was precisely this story that Ruppert rode to fame - essentially piggy-backing off Webb to do so. How is it that Ross is credible insofar as what he had to say to Webb about the CIA's involvement with the drug trade in L.A. (which was later certified to be true by the CIA's own Inspector General), and not credible when he gives evidence as to what Webb had to say about a CIA "contract" that had been put out on him? Ruppert can't have it both ways.
http://portland.indymedia.org/en/2005/01/309640.shtml

===========================================

Linda
Negroponte's wife..Sir Charles Villiers, chairman of British Royal family
Sun Feb 20, 2005 01:21

Profile: John Negroponte: Ringmaster for the big US spy showdown
Times Online, UK - 5 hours ago
... Negroponte is married to Diana, an academic and former society hostess whose father was Sir Charles Villiers, chairman of British Steel. ...



Negroponte's wife

Negroponte became "a great diplomat" in the same way that Annan became a key
globalist diplomat: through marriage. While Annan is married to a Swedish
woman from the wealthy and powerful Wallenberg family,

Negroponte is connected to Britain's royal family and British intelligence
through his wife, Diana Villiers.

Negroponte was born in London in 1939, the son of a Greek shipping magnate.
His family moved to New York, and like many key members of the Bush
administration, Negroponte attended Yale University.

After graduating from Yale in 1960, Negroponte joined the foreign service
and became vice consul in Hong Kong from 1961 to 1963.

>From 1964 to 1968, during the height of the war in Vietnam, Negroponte was
political officer at the U.S. Embassy in Saigon. He was a member of the U.S.
delegation to the Paris Peace Talks on Vietnam (1968-69) and served on the
National Security Council under Henry Kissinger as officer-in-charge for
Vietnam from 1971 to 1973.

NEGROPONTE'S BRITISH CONNECTION

Among the thousands of news articles written about Negroponte, not one
mentions his "blue-blooded" British wife. Like George W. Bush, Mrs. Villiers
is related to Britain's royal family. Mrs. Villiers, related to Queen
Elizabeth, is the daughter of Lt. Col. Sir Charles Villiers and his second
wife, the Countess Marie Jos=E9 de la Barre d'Erquelinnes.

In 1985, Sir Charles Villiers, a high-ranking British Special Operations
Executive veteran, founded an elitist transatlantic group known as the
British American Project for the Successor Generation (BAP) with Lewis van
Dusen, former U.S. representative at NATO. Villiers, who died in 1992, had
been an "old Etonian banker" and former chairman of the British Steel Corp.

Villiers arranged with Robert Smith, the head of the Pew Memorial Trust, to
fund the BAP. The School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) of Johns
Hopkins University administers the U.S. side, while the Rothschild-funded
Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA) at Chatham House, London,
manages the British side.

The RIIA is Britain's sister organization to the CFR. Both the CFR and RIIA
were formally established in Paris on March 19, 1919, during the Paris Peace
Conference. Edward Mandell House, advisor to President Woodrow Wilson,
hosted the meeting.

"The agenda is corporate, the ideology is capitalist," Tony Gosling, a
British expert on the elite Bilderberg group, says about BAP, which he calls
"a CIA sponsored self selecting group who pretend to `define' the
transatlantic relationship."

Like Bilderberg, BAP brings together 24 American and 24 British delegates
every year for four days of dinners, parties and discussions. Delegates are
nominated by existing fellows. Journalist John Pilger, a critic of BAP, says
the organization is a kind of right-wing "casual freemasonry."

Negroponte's British wife carries on in her father's footsteps. Educated at
the London School of Economics & Political Science, she works as a trade
lawyer in Washington, and serves on the board of trustees of Freedom House,
an organization headed by neo-conservative R. James Woolsey, former director
of central intelligence and a strong supporter of Israel

======================

Bush Installing
... from the wealthy and powerful Wallenberg family, Negroponte is connected to
Britain’s royal family and British intelligence through his wife, Diana Villiers. ...
http://www.americanfreepress.net/html/bush_installing.html

... Former White House Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan and Habitat Board Member Diana
Villiers Negroponte Accept Awards and Major Donation. NEW YORK, Jan. ...
http://www.habitat.org/newsroom/2003archive/insitedoc003040.htm

... He is married to Diana Villiers Negroponte, a native of Britain, and a lawyer and
academic. The couple have adopted five children from Honduras. ...
http://www.jobs-in-iraq.info/Info%20Pages/Iraqi_Jobs_Info_Page_7.htm

Profile: John Negroponte - C!A
... and went on to marry Diana Villiers, whose father was the former chairman of British
Steel. Together they have five children. Mr Negroponte joined the foreign ...
http://www.ciagents.com/content/view/66/41/

John Negroponte
... Father: Dmitri Negroponte Wife: Diana Mary Villiers Negroponte (b. 1947, m. 1976)
Daughter: Marina (adopted in Honduras) Daughter: Alejandra (adopted in ...
http://www.nndb.com/people/813/000044681/

Relatives of Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother
... alt.talk.royalty Usenet newsgroup. 9 Dec 2001 - Shinjinee
"QM Collateral - Diana Villiers Negroponte, and John D. Negroponte". ...
http://www.mypage.uniserve.ca/~canyon/QueenMumRelatives.html


February 20, 2005

Profile: John Negroponte: Ringmaster for the big US spy showdown
It has been dubbed “the posting from hell”, but if anyone can bring a semblance of unity to America’s bewildering network of competing spy agencies, it is John Negroponte, the British-born career diplomat who was appointed director of national intelligence by George W Bush last week.

Tall, patrician and with an English wife from a landed family, the 65- year-old “diplomat’s diplomat” confounds most stereotypes of American envoys. Fluent in five languages, including Vietnamese, he has adopted five Honduran children.

These attributes are also reminders of his contentious past. In the 1960s he was a political officer in Vietnam and, as such, would have been familiar with such dirty tricks as the CIA-run Phoenix Program that assassinated thousands of Vietcong. Later he played a part in the peace talks that ended the war.

It was as US ambassador to Honduras during the 1980s that he came under intense scrutiny, accused of turning a blind eye to human rights abuses as the Reagan administration assisted the contra rebels to overthrow the leftist Sandinista regime in neighbouring Nicaragua.

However, his arrival in Baghdad as US ambassador eight months ago proclaimed a new sensitivity to Iraqi concerns, in marked contrast to the high-handedness of Paul Bremer, the departing American proconsul. “Bremer’s style prompted endless criticism, but you never hear anything bad about Negroponte,” said a Washington insider.

Opinions vary on whether he is an ideological warrior, as his critics claim, or simply a meticulous civil servant. By all accounts he is a “can-do diplomat”, but not in the same mould as the neoconservative hawks in the Bush administration. Significantly, his patron in Washington has been Colin Powell, the moderate former secretary of state.

Sir Jeremy Greenstock came to know Negroponte well when their terms as ambassadors to the United Nations overlapped from September 2001 to July 2003. “He was a very good diplomat,” Greenstock said.

“He took the trouble to call on every other member of the United Nations, which is rarely done and was a sign that a great power was prepared to listen. In his time in Baghdad, too, he has been discreet while being firm. He is consultative and open to new ideas.”

Negroponte is married to Diana, an academic and former society hostess whose father was Sir Charles Villiers, chairman of British Steel. But Negroponte’s Anglophilia has its limits, Greenstock implied: “He has no hang-ups about the Anglo connection, as some Americans do. But I’ve learnt never to count on sentiment for England when dealing with senior Americans. You have to earn your access and responses on merit.”

The Negropontes had been married for five years and were based in Honduras when they decided to adopt. Children, the ambassador said in a rare interview, “kept me young”. He also explained why the couple opted to adopt all five from the same country: “These children were all orphans. Life was going to be complicated enough without having siblings from all over the world. Adopting them from the same country ensured they would have a natural bond to each other.”

After serving under seven presidents, Negroponte cited the need to “take care of my kids” when he resigned from the foreign service in 1996.

His mind was changed by his old friend Powell, who persuaded him to leave his lucrative post in the McGraw-Hill media group and fly the flag at the UN. He went one better, raising eyebrows by wearing a stars-and-stripes tie.

He may not mind leaving the razor wire-encircled green zone in Baghdad, where he was barred by State Department rules from taking his family, but the task he faces as director of national intelligence is daunting. At least three prominent figures are reported to have rejected the invitation to manage a $40 billion budget and pull together the work of 15 rival agencies.

“His problem is he’s really not familiar with the intelligence process,” Richard Falkenrath, former deputy homeland security adviser to Bush, said last week. “He’s never managed an intelligence agency. So he has a lot to learn in that area.”

However, many observers agree that Negroponte is the man to finesse some level of consensus without causing a turf war. “I think he is a good choice,” said Greenstock. “He has the talent for consultation and understanding to do the job of co-ordinating 15 agencies. But he will be his own man when he reports to the president.”
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2088-1491501_2,00.html
Few American civil servants have as colourful a background as John Dimitri Negroponte. Born in London on July 21, 1939, just before the outbreak of the second world war, he was the son of Dimitri, a Greek shipping magnate, and Catherine. He grew up in England, Switzerland and New York, where his father settled.

He became a product of elite American institutions, educated at Phillips Exeter prep school in New Hampshire and at Yale, before being accepted at Harvard Law School. Joining the foreign service in 1960, his second posting was to Vietnam, which he described as “a career defining experience”.

Witnessing America’s progressive military commitment to Vietnam, Negroponte was swept up in the zealous but hard-nosed idealism of the times. Among his young friends in Saigon were Richard Holbrooke, who also served as a US ambassador to the UN, and Anthony Lake, President Bill Clinton’s first national security adviser.

In 1973, after nine years of involvement in the Vietnam war, he accompanied Henry Kissinger, his boss, to the Paris conference that ended America’s combat role.

His career would take him to Hong Kong, Ecuador, Greece, Honduras, Mexico, Panama and the Philippines, collecting languages along the way. He is known for his ability to glide effortlessly between English, Spanish, French, Greek and Vietnamese. His stint in Honduras from 1981 to 1985 was a cold war episode in which he was accused of being complicit in the rise of death squads and tolerating a murderous general, Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, who raised a special unit called Battalion 316. A compliant Honduras was considered by Washington as the ideal launching pad for operations against the Sandinistas.

According to a Pulitzer prize- winning investigation in the Baltimore Sun newspaper in 1995: “The CIA and the US embassy knew of numerous crimes, including murder and torture, yet continued to support Battalion 316 and collaborate with its leaders.”

Negroponte rebutted the charges, maintaining that the abuses were not US government policy and that organised death squads did not operate in Honduras. His wife, too, became fed up with the insinuations, telling The Washington Post last year: “I want to say to those people, ‘Haven’t you moved on?’ To keep fighting all that is old hat.”

The matter came up at his Senate confirmation hearings for the UN job in 2001. Thanks partly to their timing just after the September 11 attacks, the foreign relations committee gave him the benefit of the doubt by a 14-3 vote.

The only jarring note was struck by a human rights activist in the audience, who was escorted out after shouting: “What about death squad 316, Mr Negroponte?” In Baghdad, Negroponte has headed the biggest US mission in the world with 3,000 staff. In conciliatory style he set about the task of nudging the country towards new elections and a new constitution while trying to restore America’s damaged image.

In January he confirmed that coalition forces would leave “if requested by the Iraqi government” and earlier this month proclaimed that the elections were “a heroic vote for freedom” — although they were won by the Shi’ite majority rather than the White House’s preferred candidate Iyad Allawi, the interim prime minister.

Wresting the Pentagon’s agencies from Donald Rumsfeld, the defence secretary, while refereeing battles between the Tweedledum and Tweedledee of American intelligence — the CIA and the FBI — will make Baghdad seem like a walk in the park.

===============================================

A CFR Member Behind Every Bush

Nominee/Appointee Position
Richard Cheney Vice President
Condoleezza Rice National Security Advisor
Franklin C. Miller Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Defense Policy and Arms Control
Jendayi E. Frazer Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for African Affairs at the National Security Council
George J. Tenet CIA Director
Anne O. Krueger Member of the Council of Economic Advisors
James L. Connaughton Chairman, President�s Council on Environmental Quality
Torkel L. Patterson Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Asian Affairs, National Security Council staff
John B. Bellinger III Senior Associate Counsel to the President and Legal Adviser to the National Security Council
Marcia E. Miller Member, Commission on Presidential Scholars
Fr. Theodore Hesburgh Member, Commission on Presidential Scholars
Zalmay Khalilzad Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Gulf, Southwest Asia and Other Regional Issues, National Security Council.
Charles Blahous III Member of the National Economic Council, Executive Director of the President�s Commission to Strengthen Social Security
Donald Rumsfeld Secretary of Defense
Paul D. Wolfowitz Deputy Secretary of Defense
Douglas Jay Feith Under Secretary of Defense for Policy
James G. Roche Secretary of the Air Force
Dov S. Zakheim Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller)
Leo S. Mackay Jr. Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs
Peter W. Rodman Assistant Secretary of Defense
Alberto Jose Mora General Counsel of the Department of the Navy
Christine Todd Whitman EPA Administrator
Elaine Chao Secretary of Labor
Kenneth I. Juster Under Secretary of Commerce for Export Administration
Faryar Shirzad Assistant Secretary of Commerce
Kathleen B. Cooper Under Secretary of Commerce for Economic Affairs
Peter S. Watson President of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation
Kenneth W. Dam Deputy Secretary of the Treasury
Peter R. Fisher Under Secretary of the Treasury for Domestic Finance
Viet D. Dinh Assistant Attorney General
Henrietta Holsman Fore Director of the U.S. Mint
Jon M. Huntsman Jr. Deputy United States Trade Representative
Robert B. Zoellick U.S. Trade Representative
Colin L. Powell Secretary of State
William J. Burns Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs
Lorne W. Craner Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Walter H. Kansteiner Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs
C. David Welch Ambassador to Egypt
Howard H. Baker Jr. Ambassador to Japan
Paula J. Dobriansky Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs
Richard Nathan Haass Director, State Department Policy Planning Staff
William H. Taft IV Legal Adviser of the Department of State
John Robert Bolton Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security
Charles A. Heimbold Jr. Ambassador to Sweden
John D. Negroponte U.S. Representative to the United Nations
Shirin R. Tahir-Kheli Head of the U.S. Delegation to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights
Franklin L. Lavin Ambassador to Singapore
Michael E. Guest Ambassador to Romania
Alexander R. Vershbow Ambassador to the Russian Federation
Daniel Charles Kurtzer Ambassador to Israel
John Price Ambassador to Mauritius
Carole L. Brookins Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (a part of the World Bank)

http://www.stoptheftaa.org/artman/publish/article_73.shtml

=======================================

John D. Negroponte CFR Member
http://www.apfn.net/CFR.htm

THE HORROR OF
JOHN DIMITRI NEGROPONTE
AND EVERYTHING HE REPRESENTS

http://www.antipasministries.com/oldnews/negroponte.html

Regarding John Negroponte:
...John Negroponte (Council on Foreign Relations) was Kissinger's aide.
Henry Kissinger, Bilderberger, Trilateral Commisssion, Club of Rome, Chase Manhattan Bank came from the Staff of the CFR. Kissinger was director of a special studies from the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, an advisor to Nelson Rockefeller.

http://www.rense.com/general63/eneg.htm 

John Negroponte: Worse than Taliban, US ambassador to Iraq: protector of terrorists
http://www.talkaboutculture.com/group/soc.culture.honduras/messages/7605.html

When John Negroponte was Mullah Omar
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0405/S00012.htm

 The captain of this ship, Negroponte was in charge of the U.S. Embassy when, according to a 1995 four-part series in the Baltimore Sun, hundreds of Hondurans were kidnapped, tortured and killed by Battalion 316, a secret army intelligence unit trained and supported by the Central Intelligence Agency. As Gary Cohn and Ginger Thompson wrote in the series, Battalion 316 used "shock and suffocation devices in interrogations. Prisoners often were kept naked and, when no longer useful, killed and buried in unmarked graves." Members of Battalion 316 were trained in surveillance and interrogation at a secret location in the United States and by the CIA at bases in Honduras. Gen. Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, the chief of the Honduran armed forces who personally directed Battalion 316, also trained in the United States at the School of the Americas.
http://www.inthesetimes.com/issue/25/09/allen2509.html

Since Ambassador Negroponte was last confirmed by the Senate as Ambassador to the Philippines in 1993, a great deal of new information has come to light about the nature and extent of human rights abuses during his tenure in Honduras.  [Congressional Record, Sept 14, 2001]
http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/2001_cr/s091401.html

John Negroponte deliberately falsified State Department human rights reports throughout his time in Honduras. U.S. missionaries and many people of faith and conscience were murdered by the CIA-trained Honduran Battalion 3-16, which Negroponte at best overlooked and at worst oversaw.
http://www.maryknoll.org/GLOBAL/ALERTS/no_negroponte.htm

Bill Moyers' "The Secret Government" video segment
It aired on PBS in 1987 and is as good as anything on the tape (must see). Moyers is a very respected TV journalist who also worked for Lyndon B. Johnson and has a very professional approach. He interviews many different people involved with the CIA and other government agencies. His documentary gives quite an overview of what has actually happened in the last 50 years regarding the CIA and the cold war (including Iran, Guatamala, Cuba, Viet Nam and Chile). He features such people as Ralph McGeehee and Phil Retinger (both former CIA agents), Rear Admiral Gene La Rocque (Ret. U.S.N.), Theodore Bissell (active in the CIA at the time), Sen. Frank Church and many others. Moyers is so very credible. The full video "The Secret Government" is 90 minutes - this segment is edited by Frank Dorrel to 20 minutes.
This video segment totals 20 minutes and must be downloaded in 2 parts:
Part 1 - To download 12 minute video clip, (2.9MB) click on http://www.peace.ca/moyers1.wmv
Part 2 - To download 10 minute video clip, (2.6MB) click on http://www.peace.ca/moyers2.wmv 

=================================

U.S. journalist who criticized CIA found dead
GARY WEBB 49, FOUND DEAD IN HIS HOME 0N DEC. 10, 2004

http://www.apfn.org/apfn/gary_webb.htm

http://www.coha.org/breakingsilence.htm

Alberto Gonzales
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/gonzales.htm


REPEAT:  Now folks, this is your President speaking. You all elected this piece of shit, the least you can do is vote his proteges out of office in 2006.

This space is provided for:

John D. Negropointe
Nomination Confirmed - not Confirmed
Date:
YEAs ________
NAYs ________
Not Voting _________

Alphabetical by Senator Name

=================================================

Negroponte and Goss, both 1960 Yale graduates
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-17-05/discussion.cgi.10.html

Negroponte as US intelligence czar
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-20-05/discussion.cgi.71.html

NID John Dimitri Negroponte DNI
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-12-05/discussion.cgi.13.html

ATTN BLOGGERS: RE: JOHN NEGROPONTE
Technically, when, how did John Negroponte become a United States Citizen?
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-23-05/discussion.cgi.91.html

John Dimitri Negroponte, is he even a USA Citizen?
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.60.html

Negroponte, a Neo-Con? Shocking!! Questions for Negroponte
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-23-05/discussion.cgi.92.html

John Negroponte: A Tradition of Deceit
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.81.html

John Negroponte as National Intelligence Czar:
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-12-05/discussion.cgi.16.html

Negroponte: a Rogue for all Seasons
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-23-05/discussion.cgi.93.html

Help Defeat John Negroponte's Confirmation
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.64.html

John D. Negroponte - secret arming of Nicaragua's Contra re
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.62.html

Since Ambassador Negroponte was last confirmed
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.65.html

About John Negroponte - Biography and Controversies
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.67.html

Negroponte and the CIA's eclipse
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-12-05/discussion.cgi.15.html

Negroponte's deputy, Lt. Gen. Mike Hayden
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.79.html

Negroponte/Bush strengthening cabinet's capacity to mislead
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-01-05/discussion.cgi.14.html

The Atrocities of a Pale Rider- John D. Negroponte
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.80.html

Iran-Contra gangsters resurface in Bush administration
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.82.html

I don't think John Negroponte is a U.S. Citizen?
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-19-05/discussion.cgi.34.html

About Negropante Appointment--
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/02-23-05/discussion.cgi.54.html

THE DEATH OF GARY WEBB = NOMINATION OF JOHN NEGROPONTE
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-12-05/discussion.cgi.14.html

  PowerPoint Presentation/Movies
9/11 Attack on America Part 1
The Irregularities of 9/11

10.5MB
http://www.apfn.org/movies/911.ppt

9/11 Attack on America Part 2
Omissions & Distortions
(David Ray Griffin)
13.9MB

http://www.apfn.org/movies/911-2.ppt

VoteGate 2004 Powerpoint Presentation/Movie
http://www.apfn.org/Movies/VoteGate-2004.ppt

---------------------------------------------------------

Quite A Club
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/qclub.htm

PORTER GOSS IS SKULL AND BONES
Porter J. Goss as CIA Boss

http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Skull_&_Bones.htm

The Order of the Skull and Bones
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Skull_&_Bones.htm

IRAQGATE
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/iraqgate.htm

Gonzales - Enron - Bush - Taliban - John O'Neill Connections
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/gonzales.htm

VoteGate 2004

http://www.apfn.org/apfn/votgate.htm

The Pictures That Lost the War

http://www.apfn.org/apfn/POW.htm

The People's Court
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/peoplescourt.htm

9-11 Attack On America
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/WTC.htm

The War In Iraq
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Iraq_war.htm

APFN Site Map
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/sitemap.htm 

Subscribe to apfn-1
chooser.gif (706373 bytes)
Powered by groups.yahoo.com

American Patriot Friends Network

"....a network of net workers...."

APFN IS NOT A BUSINESS
APFN IS SUPPORTED BY "FREE WILL" GIFT/DONATIONS
Without Justice, there is JUST_US!
http://www.apfn.org

APFN Message Board

APFN Sitemap

APFN Contents Page

APFN Home Page

E-Mail: apfn@apfn.org

Hit Counter