The OKC Bombing: What Is The Government Hiding?
The Terrance (Terry) Yeakey Incident
Terrance (Terry) Yeakey was a courageous young black
Oklahoma City police officer who was on duty near the
Murrah Building the morning of that building's bombing.
Officer Yeakey entered the bombed out Murrah building
and saw things that apparently caused him to be murdered.
The hideous details are within these audio tapes
Part 1 http://www.apfn.org/audio/tyeakey1.rm
Part 2 http://www.apfn.org/audio/tyeakey2.rm
WHO KILLED TERRY YEAKEY?
Video of Tim McVeigh
from a security camera
at McDonald's in
Junction City, taken
at the exact same time
the government claims McVeigh
was renting the Ryder truck in
June 3, 1998 Dale Hurd
Not for commercial use. Solely to be fairly used for the educational
purposes of research and open discussion.
"Others Unknown": Oklahoma City Revisited
June 3, 1998
Terry Nichols will be sentenced Thursday for his part in the
Oklahoma City bombing. But it's worth noting that the case
against Nichols was so shaky that he was almost acquitted.
Who might be the other suspects? Polls show that most
Oklahomans believe the federal government is engaged in a
coverup, and that it knows a lot more about the bombing than
it's saying. Here is CBN News senior reporter Dale Hurd's
investigation into what the government might be hiding.
Dale Hurd, reporter
At 9:02 on the morning of April 19th, 1995, the Alfred P.
Murrah Federal Building was blown up, killing 168 people.
The government still insists that Timothy McVeigh and Terry
Nichols acted alone. But the evidence points to a conspiracy
of several people. Is it possible that the federal government
is not interested in catching the other suspects? That's
where this tragedy takes a strange twist.
Three years ago, on April 19th, this street was a roiling
mass of rescue vehicles, debris, panicked parents, dead
bodies, and the bodies of the dying. Today it is a memorial
to the worst terrorist act ever committed on U.S. soil. It
may also be a monument to the worst law enforcement blunder
in U.S. history.
Stephen Jones was the state-appointed attorney for Timothy
McVeigh, and is the author of an upcoming book entitled
Others Unknown, referring to the original grand jury
indictment of McVeigh, Nichols, and "others unknown." While
he's not trying to deny McVeigh's involvement, Jones says the
government is hiding something.
"I had access to all the government's documents of that
investigation," says Jones. "If you make a list, as I have,
of everything the ATF knew on midnight, April 18th, it's hard
to understand why they didn't increase security at the Murrah
Despite its denial, it's clear that the federal government
did have prior knowledge of something. It knew that April
19th was a dangerous date: the anniversary of Waco and
Patriot's Day. Although the government initially lied about
it, an alert was issued, and no agents of the Bureau of
Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms were in the building.
Carol Howe, Confidential Informant #183 of the ATF had warned
that the Murrah building was one of three under study for a
bombing, and she told them that a group from Elohim city, a
white supremacist community in eastern Oklahoma, had traveled
to the Murrah building at least three times to case it.
Another informant, Cary Gagan, gave even more specific
information, saying a bombing would occur in either Denver or
Oklahoma City. On the morning of April 19th, in the hours
before the explosion, several witnesses saw bomb disposal
trucks and sniffer dogs already on the streets of Oklahoma
City. Then, 38 minutes before the blast, the Department of
Justice in Washington received a telephone call.
Stephen Jones says Justice records have the caller saying
that the Murrah building had just "blown up." Jones believes
the caller said that the building was "going to be blown up,"
and that the Justice Department changed the story because it
ignored the call. But on the ground in Oklahoma City that
morning, the government was looking for bombs.
"And they made sort of a superficial security check with dogs
and were a little more alert," says Jones. "And then when the
business day started and nothing happened, they thought it
was just a false alarm and then withdrew. And then, of
course, the building blew up."
The FBI decided, rather unscientifically, that the Murrah
building was brought down by a single anfo bomb: a hundred
pounds of ammonium nitrate and fuel oil, placed in plastic
drums as a giant charge inside a Ryder truck.
But that explanation is not without problems. Only
microscopic specs of ammonium nitrate were ever found, there
were no noxious fumes at the bomb site, and the bomb crater,
the most important piece of evidence, was filled in before
McVeigh's defense team could examine it.
An initial FEMA study said it would have taken 12 thousand
pounds of anfo to pulverize that much steel-reinforced
concrete, and that that much explosive would have also
created a much larger crater.
Whatever was in the truck, some believe it could not have
been strong enough to bring down the Murrah building alone,
and that cutting charges were used as well. That's why it's
interesting that survivors reported feeling an earthquake for
several seconds before the truck bomb went off.
"I thought it was an earthquake, because I resided in
California for many years, and it was almost like slow
motion," recalled one survivor. "I felt a shake, and then it
began shaking more and I dove under my desk. Then the glass
came in; I think that helped me."
Jane Graham, longtime government employee and Union Local
president, felt the same thing.
"As soon as I sat down and turned on the computer, I felt a
waving motion of the building," she says. "It felt like a
rumble -- it was like the ground was rolling, and the
building was swaying east to west. The young lady who was
giving the class said, 'Everybody, it's an earthquake. Get
under your table, under your desk -- somewhere.' And it must
have been somewhere between seven and ten seconds at the
most, I believe. Then I heard the explosion, and the last
thing I remember is looking up, and the roof had been blown
off and was suspended in air."
Seismic readings at 9:02 a.m. show two distinct ground motion
spikes at the time of the bombing: a mild spike, a ten-second
delay, then a sharp spike. Do these readings help prove two
blasts? Seismologists aren't sure.
But Graham witnessed something equally important: on two
separate occasions in the days before the bombing, Graham and
others saw suspicious men in the Murrah building. On the
Friday before the bombing, Graham saw three men in the
underground parking garage looking at plans of the building,
and none of them fit Timothy McVeigh's description.
"When I first saw them, I thought they were phone people,
because they had some wiring," she remembers. "Of course, the
more I watched them, then they started watching me. They had
a paper sack, and they put back into that sack the wiring.
They had a block -- I don't know what it was --
putty-colored. Upon the man in charge's direction, the second
man put it back into the car."
Does she think the putty was plastic explosives?
"I do now," replies Graham.
Kathy Wilburn and her daughter saw the same three men. "You
didn't see many people in the parking garage, but these guys,
when we pulled up, I mean their demeanor changed, they
stopped talking -- they didn't say another word, and one of
them kind of looked over his shoulder like this to see what
we were doing. When we got into the building, we commented to
each other, 'Well, they're up to no good.'"
What were they up to? Were charges placed on the structure of
the Murrah building? Photos not only show that there was
smoke on the columns, but that some of the cross beams were
cleanly sheared off, something demolition experts say only a
contact charge could do.
Experts also say the way the Murrah building fell may also
indicate that charges on floor beams began a building
collapse just before the truck bomb went off.
But the government has never been interested in Graham's or
Wilburn's testimony. In fact, from almost the very beginning
of the case, the federal government has engaged in what could
be called a bizarre pattern of behavior. It launched the
largest manhunt in U.S. history, but after apprehending
McVeigh and Nichols, the investigation abruptly shut down.
Although the FBI spent a lot of time trailing a mysterious
"Robert Juaquez," officials no longer seem interested in
finding anyone else.
"I think it basically boiled down to this," says Jones. "They
had two men. They couldn't find the others, so they declared
victory and said, 'We've solved the crime.'"
The second explanation is less benign. The explanation -- and
it's a theory supported by the government's behavior -- is
that Washington knows who the other suspects are, but who one
or more of them are poses a big problem.
"The most reasonable explanation is that there was someone in
this group of people that helped carry this out," says
Oklahoma state representative Charles Key. "If they would
have traveled this path to discover and prosecute these other
John Does, one of those persons, I believe, was either an
informant for the government -- maybe even a government
agent. They don't want that to be discovered, because that,
like other information, will point toward specific prior
Key was responsible for convening a special county grand jury
for the purpose of finding out the whole truth about the
bombing and what the government might be hiding.
"We believe they had specific prior knowledge, and that they
were in the process of actually trying to stop these people
from carrying out this crime," says Key.
"What do you do if you're the government in charge of this?"
questions Jones. "If you admit that yes, we thought something
might happen and we did check it out, then you open yourself
up to negligence, which means, of course, hundreds of
millions of dollars recovered by victims of the bombing."
Then maybe it's not so surprising that in the trial of
Timothy McVeigh, the government did not call a single witness
who could place him in Oklahoma City on the day of the
bombing, because those same witnesses, under
cross-examination, would also testify that they saw a number
of other men too.
Carol Howe was not allowed to testify, either. Instead, the
government tried to prosecute her but lost. She's now in
hiding and has changed her identity.
And the over one thousand fingerprints recovered by
investigators have been checked against fewer than 20
Who could have been the other suspects? One man connected to
the bombing by Carol Howe was Andreas Strassmeir, a German
national. Strassmeir was questioned by the FBI and,
incredibly, allowed to leave the country. British
investigative reporter Ambrose Evans-Pritchard says flatly
that Strassmeir, the son of a prominent German politician and
a veteran of German counterintelligence, was an agent sent in
to infiltrate anti-government hate groups. Strassmeir even
suggested to Evans-Pritchard in a book that the bombing was a
sting operation that spun out of control because different
branches of the FBI and ATF were not cooperating with each
Carol Howe also names white supremacist Dennis Mahon as part
of the plot, but Washington has not sought his prosecution.
And there remains strong evidence of a Middle East
connection. Jones insists that the know-how to build and
execute such an operation does not exist among American
"This was clearly a conspiracy of more than two people,
fairly sophisticated, well organized and developed, and
deadly," says Jones.
Key's group counts eight suspect sightings -- including Arabs
-- but all during the McVeigh trial, the government worked
strenuously to keep the defense from uncovering anything
about the other suspects. What does Washington know? 475
family members of the victims are preparing to file suit
against the federal government, saying it "knew or should
have known" about the bombing.
Jones, for his part, does not think the government will ever
allow the whole truth to be known.
"I'm not a prophet," says Jones. "I do not think the truth
will come out. I think instead, you will see continued
efforts to keep the truth from coming out. Those people who
suffered and perished there in Oklahoma City died. And they
received in return the gift of grace. What they did not
receive was justice. They still wait for it."
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Oklahoma Bombing Cover-up
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